Candidate Entry and Political Polarization: An Antimedian Voter Theorem

We study a citizen‐candidate‐entry model with private information about ideal points. We fully characterize the unique symmetric equilibrium of the entry game and show that only relatively “extreme” citizen types enter the electoral competition as candidates, whereas more “moderate” types never enter. It generally leads to substantial political polarization, even when the electorate is not polarized and citizens understand that they vote for more extreme candidates. We show that polarization increases in the costs of entry and decreases in the benefits from holding office. Moreover, when the number of citizens goes to infinity, only the very most extreme citizens, with ideal points at the boundary of the policy space, become candidates. Finally, our polarization result is robust to changes in the implementation of a default policy if no citizen runs for office and to introducing directional information about candidates’ types that is revealed via parties.     

Beliefs,social identity,and the view of opponents in Swedish carnivore management policy

Policy Sciences - In the policy sciences, the intractability of disputes in natural resource governance is commonly explained in terms of a “devil shift” between rival policy...     

Absolutism and the ‘rule of law’ in Denmark 1660–c. 1750

With the introduction of absolutism in Denmark, the country became one of the two most absolute monarchies in Europe. The question arises whether the concept of the ‘rule of law’ was compatible with absolutism, or whether it was totally contrary to this form of government. Through an analysis of the criteria central to the concept of the ‘rule of law’, for example, the public proclamation of laws, the independence of the courts, predictable proceedings, the right of appeal, due care, legal aid, promptness of legal proceedings etc., and evidence of practice from public records, the present article concludes that although the ‘rule of law’ was fragile, as it depended on the absolute king's mercy, there was an ideal among the ruling elite that the ‘rule of law’ ought to be respected, and the rural and urban population trusted the system.     

Practice of forensic entomology--usability of insect fragments in the estimation of the time of death

Forensic entomology analyzes and evaluates the presence of necrophagous or necrophilic insects on human corpses to estimate the post-mortem interval. The three cases presented are good examples illustrating that not only the various stages of development of the necrophagous insects from egg via larva to pupa are useful for forensic assessment. Depending on the situation in the individual case, even inconspicuous remains of past insect activity such as empty pupal cases or larval skins may supply important entomological information. For this purpose it is indispensable to preserve such evidence, which may appear only as fragments or pieces at first sight, for proper entomological assessment.     

Anti-depressants, suicide, and drug regulation.

Policymakers are increasingly concerned that a relatively new class of anti-depressant drugs, selective serotonin re-uptake inhibitors (SSRI), may increase the risk of suicide for at least some patients, particularly children. Prior randomized trials are not informative on this question because of small sample sizes and other limitations. Using variation across countries over time in SSRI sales and suicide, we find that an increase of one pill per capita (a 13 percent increase over 1999 levels) is associated with a 2.5 percent reduction in suicide rates, a relationship that is more pronounced for adults than for children. Our findings suggest that expanding access to SSRIs for adults may be a cost-effective way to save lives, although policymakers are right to remain cautious about pediatric use of SSRIs.     

Modernisierung als Peripetie des Sozialstaats?

Tief greifende Veränderungen wie der demographische Wandel, zunehmende Frauenerwerbstätigkeit, wachsende Beschäftigungsprobleme gering Qualifizierter sowie die ethnisch-kulturelle Heterogenisierung als Resultat von Migrationsprozessen setzen die Sozialpolitik europäischer Gesellschaften zunehmend unter Veränderungsdruck. Welche politischen Maßnahmen ergriffen werden, bestimmt sich daraus, was politische Eliten für geboten erachten und einflussreiche Verbände und Wähler für akzeptabel halten. Die Analyse des jüngsten Wandels der Sozialpolitik in den Mitgliedstaaten der EU zeigt, dass die Ausdehnung traditioneller sozialpolitischer Programme zwar zu Beginn der 90er Jahre ihren Höhe- und Wendepunkt erreicht hat, dass Umstrukturierungen der Leistungs- und Finanzierungsstruktur des Sozialstaats sich bislang aber in engen Grenzen hielten. Die aktuelle Suche nach einem neuen Dritten Weg zwischen liberaler angelsächsischer Wachstumspolitik und sozialdemokratischer europäischer Arbeits- und Sozialpolitik ist von einer erheblichen Ambivalenz gekennzeichnet. Geht es einerseits darum, die Formierung einer Unterklasse durch die möglichst breite Integration gering Qualifizierter in den Arbeitsmarkt zu verhindern, so sind andererseits mit der Verpflichtung zur Eigenverantwortung und Arbeitsaufnahme auch disziplinierende und repressive Elemente verbunden. Die Anpassung des Sozialstaats an gesellschaftliche Veränderungen besteht insofern keineswegs ausschließlich in seiner Flexibilisierung im Sinne des Abrückens von Normalitätsfiktionen, sondern auch in der Durchsetzung von Standards des Wohlverhaltens, die in ethnisch-kulturell heterogenisierten Gesellschaften als Fremdkontrollen an die Stelle weniger allgemeiner Selbstkontrollen treten.     

Interpenetration versus Einbettung

The debate with the economy and with economics is an important focus of the works of Talcott Parsons. Parsons’s economic sociology has been, however, perceived rather critically by the new economic sociology. This article discusses these critiques and asks whether they did justice to Parsons’s economic sociology. I show that the critiques concentrate mostly on structural functionalism. Hardly any attention is given to the theory of expressive-symbolic communication of affect that Parsons developed later as part of systems-functionalism. This theoretical development, however, connects directly to the concept of social embeddedness as the core term of the new economic sociology. A connection to this part of Parsons’s theory could help to develop a basis in action theory that is still wanting in the new economic sociology.     

Towards productive functions? A systematic review of institutional failure,its causes and consequences

Policy Sciences - Recognised as an integral part of the political process, the topic of institutional failure has recently received increased attention in the literature, particularly with respect...     

Rewarding the Top: Citizens' Opposition to Higher Pay for Politicians

The rewards of politicians are a key part of the implicit contract between politicians and citizens, and the effect of these rewards on democratic legitimacy and political recruitment is a central concern in public debate and democratic theory. Using a survey experiment, we show how citizens respond to hypothetical changes in politicians’ pay. The results indicate that citizens express lower levels of trust in the politicians when these politicians award themselves higher pecuniary rewards. However, our results also show that a devious strategy in which the rewards for politicians are less transparent ensures lower opposition from citizens than open and transparent strategies. Based on this, we outline a reinvigoration of the research agenda on “rewards at the top.”     

Does Direct Democracy Hurt Immigrant Minorities? Evidence from Naturalization Decisions in Switzerland

Do minorities fare worse under direct democracy than under representative democracy? We provide new evidence by studying naturalization requests of immigrants in Switzerland that were typically decided with referendums in each municipality. Using panel data from about 1,400 municipalities for the 1991–2009 period, we exploit Federal Court rulings that forced municipalities to transfer the decisions to their elected municipality councils. We find that naturalization rates surged by about 60% once politicians rather than citizens began deciding on naturalization applications. Whereas voters in referendums face no cost of arbitrarily rejecting qualified applicants based on discriminatory preferences, politicians in the council are constrained to formally justify rejections and may be held accountable by judicial review. Consistent with this mechanism, the increase in naturalization rates caused by switching from direct to representative democracy is much stronger for more marginalized immigrant groups and in areas where voters are more xenophobic or where judicial review is more salient.