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21.
<山西日报>巨额赔偿案引起了社会各界的普遍关注,学者们多认为不符合新闻侵权之要件,现行立法更无相应的权利类型可以适用,但被告的行为排除若干细节及证据是否属实问题却基本符合侵权行为的要件,为此引入纯粹经济损失的理论,希冀为司法实践解决此问题另辟蹊径. 相似文献
22.
Roland Sturm 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2005,46(2):195-203
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
23.
<正>At the invitation of CAFIU,a joint study group consisting of representatives from NGOs,think tanks and media in Czech Republic,Hungary,Poland,Romania and Russia visited China from April 13th to 23rd,2015.The study group visited Beijing,Lanzhou,Zhangye and Shanghai. 相似文献
24.
Welton Chang Elissabeth Berdini David R. Mandel Philip E. Tetlock 《Intelligence & National Security》2018,33(3):337-356
Structured analytic techniques (SATs) are intended to improve intelligence analysis by checking the two canonical sources of error: systematic biases and random noise. Although both goals are achievable, no one knows how close the current generation of SATs comes to achieving either of them. We identify two root problems: (1) SATs treat bipolar biases as unipolar. As a result, we lack metrics for gauging possible over-shooting—and have no way of knowing when SATs that focus on suppressing one bias (e.g., over-confidence) are triggering the opposing bias (e.g., under-confidence); (2) SATs tacitly assume that problem decomposition (e.g., breaking reasoning into rows and columns of matrices corresponding to hypotheses and evidence) is a sound means of reducing noise in assessments. But no one has ever actually tested whether decomposition is adding or subtracting noise from the analytic process—and there are good reasons for suspecting that decomposition will, on balance, degrade the reliability of analytic judgment. The central shortcoming is that SATs have not been subject to sustained scientific of the sort that could reveal when they are helping or harming the cause of delivering accurate assessments of the world to the policy community. 相似文献
25.
ABSTRACTThis essay engages in a dual-disciplinary theorizing of reflexivity as response to crises of democratic representation. We trace this crises through the parallel lenses of democratic theory and art history. As political theorists explore alternative representations of ‘the people,’ contemporary artists have developed their own responses to the crisis of monist representation. In both state institutions and in participatory art – and in the theorizing of both – we find the rejection of monist representations of ‘the people’ and the embracement of pluralist, partial, and proximate representations. These public reflexive spaces give voice to new, partial publics, and call attention to past and present exclusions. 相似文献
26.
Roland Berger 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):15-19
AbstractEconomic policy in China is designed to serve the general political line. In their talks with me in April 1973, members of the Budget Bureau of the Ministry of Finance made it unmistakably clear that financial considerations are subordinate to economic ones, which in turn are determined by politics. 相似文献
27.
泰国经济与社会国家发展规划(以下简称国家发展规划),是二战后泰国政府为获得西方经济援助制定的国家发展总体规划。长期以来,泰国仅将国家发展规划视为获得西方援助的工具,而忽视国家发展规划对国家发展的指导作用。《泰王国2017年宪法》首次以宪法的形式规定国家"二十年国家战略"、国家发展规划为泰国国家总体发展规划,政府政策和预算必须依照国家发展规划制定。这标志着第十二份国家发展规划真正成为泰国国家发展的蓝图,同时也是泰国政府未来5年内推动国家发展的重要指引。 相似文献
28.
We examine the magnitude and significance of selection bias in roll call votes. Prior to 2009, all recorded (roll call) votes in the European Parliament had to be requested explicitly by European Political Groups. Since 2009, a roll call vote has been mandatory on all final legislative votes. We exploit that change in the rules and compare differences between final legislative votes, amendment votes and non-legislative votes before and after 2009, using a difference-in-differences approach with extensive controls. Using data from the Sixth (2004–2009) to Seventh (2009–2014) European Parliaments, we fail to find any large differences in voting cohesion for the main political groups. We find even less significance when we control for changes in parliamentary membership between those two periods. The results suggest that selection biases in the European Parliament associated with strategic choices are negligible. 相似文献
29.
This article investigates South Korean views on how to deal with the two major security issues regarding North Korea: its nuclear threat and regime instability. In this Special Section, the article analyzes the ongoing debate in South Korea over the government's policy toward North Korea in regard to these two issues. It argues that uncertainties about these two major issues are shaping the regional order in East Asia. In particular, the different levels of cooperation between South Korea and the United States may affect the regional security order in East Asia. In analyzing policy options available to South Korea, the riskiest option would be to employ early preemptive attacks and accelerate the collapse of North Korea given the security dilemma-driven action?reaction in East Asia. Given that the role of China has become the most crucial factor in dealing with North Korea, the most promising strategy would be to reinforce guarantees of extended nuclear deterrence and prompt a soft-landing unification. 相似文献
30.