Organizational power and distributional conflict within OECD nations

Abstract. This article claims that a predator-prey model of cyclical growth is a useful concept for studying the dynamic relationship between wage and salary shares of GDP and employment. The rate of growth of employment is considered as an indicator of union bargaining strength; the change of the wage share is treated as a reflection of an ongoing distributional conflict between profits and wages. The paper discusses some of the analytic properties of the formal model. It continues with an attempt to fit the model to West German data for the period from 1960 to 1985. Given the formal rigidity of the model, this strategy is only partially successful. As a consequence, a more complex model is introduced which also relies heavily on the idea of a predator-prey cycle. As a fully-fledged political-economic model of the OECD type of systems, it allows us to study, among other issues, the implications of different union policies under the constraint of a serious unemployment problem.     

Fatal crossbow injury in an adolescent

The authors present the case of a 14-year-old boy who died while handling a crossbow, which was a gift from a friend's mother. The bolt passed through the right nostril, penetrated the sinus sphenoidalis, the brain stem, the left occipital lobe and the occipital calvaria. Immediately after the accident, the victim was taken to a maximum care hospital. In spite of neurosurgical treatment and intensive care the victim died 4 days later. The case presented demonstrates that crossbows are not suitable as toys for underage persons, as they are deadly weapons which can cause serious penetrating injuries. In Germany, no license is required to buy and/or possess crossbows. In the authors' opinion, legal restrictions on the sale of crossbows and a special training of the users would be reasonable measures to reduce such accidents.     

Von Nähe und Sicherheit: Die Artikel-Verordnung nach §§26, 27 Standortauswahlgesetz – Sicherheitsanforderungen,Dogmatik, Öffentlichkeitsbeteiligung

Natur und Recht - Die Standortsuche für ein Endlager ist neu angelaufen. Für die Auswahl von günstigen Teilgebieten wurden Sicherheitskriterien auf Geodaten angewendet. Regelungen zu...     

The prohibition to abuse one's human rights: A theory

Supporters of communism, national socialism and radical Islamism, but also people who incite racial hatred or deny the Holocaust, see their rights severely curtailed by the abuse clause of Article 17 of the European Convention on Human Rights. To make sense of this provision, this paper first introduces the distinction between abusable and non‐abusable rights in order to delimit the scope of Article 17. Then, this paper suggests a “test” to spot instances of abuse of human rights by borrowing the concept of performative self‐contradiction from speech act theory. Article 17 is reconceptualised as dealing with conduct that self‐contradictorily uses rights but simultaneously denies their very idea. In this way, it becomes possible to make sense of and to unify the disparate case law that Article 17 has generated so far: it equally targets political human rights abuse, attacking liberal democracy in general; and exclusionary human rights abuse, attacking the rights of other people.     

Bad banks: a proposal based on German financial history

In conventional bad bank models, the estimated fundamental value of the illiquid assets is paid to the ailing bank, thereby leaving considerable economic risk with the asset management company. In this paper, a different approach is proposed which combines the bad bank solution with equalization claims, an instrument that has successfully been used in two previous German debt crises. The main idea is to temporarily swap toxic assets for government bonds with an open maturity date. This approach not only leaves total losses with the banks, but also avoids the problem of evaluating the toxic assets in advance. The current German bad bank legislation largely follows this idea, but suffers severely from unnecessary complexity and lack of participation by commercial banks.     

Women's bread — men's capital

The family enterprises of small rural entrepreneurs in proto-industrial textile production have been little studied so far. This article focuses on the ways in which family labor assists in entrepreneurial activities and nonindustrial activities within the domestic unit contribute to the creation of proto-industrial capital. The empirical material on early modern Zurich (Switzerland) documents large household economies among entrepreneurs engaging in agriculture as well as among drapers who employ their family labor in weaving or in ancillary tasks connected with the activity of putting out dependent weavers. It also demonstrates an association between proto-industrial entrepreneurship and baking, the latter often being performed by female family labor. This finding is explained by the use of bread as a means of paying workers and by the lack of access to capital markets: baking implies the creation of a surplus value within the family economy that can be directly converted into proto-industrial capital.     

The Institutional Power of Western European Parliaments: A Multidimensional Analysis

Parliaments are more than legislative bodies. However, we lack an adequate understanding of the theoretical relationship between different facets of parliamentary activity or ‘parliamentary functions’. Relying on the principal–agent framework, this article argues theoretically that parliamentary power is a multidimensional concept comprising three distinct mechanisms to ensure policy outputs in line with the collective preferences of parliaments: direct influence on policymaking, the ex ante selection of external officeholders, and the ex post control of the cabinet. These mechanisms mirror the classic legislative, electoral, and control functions of parliaments. Empirically, the paper uses factor analysis of newly developed indicators for electoral powers and established measures of legislative and control resources to show that the institutional powers of 15 Western European parliaments comprise four distinct dimensions. These dimensions match the three theoretically derived mechanisms with committee power as an additional factor. Locating the 15 parliaments in this multidimensional space of parliamentary powers demonstrates that classifications based solely on lawmaking lead to biased assessments of parliamentary strength and weakness. Instead, the paper provides a more nuanced picture of the ways in which Western European parliaments can influence policymaking under the conditions of delegation.