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Resource scarcity and climate change could provoke major inter-state and intra-state violence and humanitarian emergencies, an especial threat to the global South. This article examines the dynamics that have followed the major violent crises of the past few centuries to determine whether climate-change-induced conflict might paradoxically generate norms of non-violence and collective identification, and in turn lead to a more co-operative culture of anarchy. Especially since 1945 we have witnessed the development of a ‘security community’ in the North Atlantic—that is, a group of states that not only resolve conflict without resort to violence but also consider war among their members unthinkable. Such communities might develop in other regions in two stages. First, state internalisation of liberal norms of democracy and human rights may enhance the role of intergovernmental organisations in mitigating climate-change-induced conflict. Second, collective identification among states and individuals may be stimulated by structural similarity between increasingly democratic states, the perception of a common fate arising from shared threats, and an expanding global civil society and epistemic communities preoccupied with climate change. Climate change could thus spur movement towards more legitimate and authoritative intergovernmental organisations within a world society that would be more effective at solving common problems than those operating within today's more fragmented international society. 相似文献
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Meredith L. Weiss 《Democratization》2013,20(1):26-43
Economic crisis sparked political mobilization in both Malaysia and Indonesia in the late 1990s, but with very different results. Reformism in competitive electoral authoritarian Malaysia took a largely electoral route, yielding marginal, top-down institutional change and the enhancement of democratic norms. The hegemonic electoral authoritarian regime in neighbouring Indonesia, on the other hand, was toppled by a sudden upsurge of grass-roots protest, encouraged by elite factionalism. Changes to Indonesian political institutions and personnel since then have disappointed many reformers, and mounting cynicism endangers the entrenchment of democratic political culture. The article argues that a relatively more democratic system grants more space for autonomous challengers to organize and mobilize over the long term than a less open system does. Specifically, civil society agents in the former may accumulate both social capital and its organizational-level counterpart, coalitional capital, facilitating mobilization. Such a regime, though, is better able to contain or otherwise defuse protest than is a more autocratic variant. The latter is thus more vulnerable to dramatic collapse, despite its fragmented political opposition, and faces serious hurdles in subsequent democratic consolidation. 相似文献
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Michael J. Weiss Howard S. Bloom Thomas Brock 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2014,33(3):778-808
Evaluations of public programs in many fields reveal that different types of programs—or different versions of the same program—vary in their effectiveness. Moreover, a program that is effective for one group of people might not be effective for other groups, and a program that is effective in one set of circumstances may not be effective in other circumstances. This paper presents a conceptual framework for research on such variation in program effects and the sources of this variation. The framework is intended to help researchers—both those who focus mainly on studying program implementation and those who focus mainly on estimating program effects—see how their respective pieces fit together in a way that helps to identify factors that explain variation in program effects, and thereby support more systematic data collection. The ultimate goal of the framework is to enable researchers to offer better guidance to policymakers and program operators on the conditions and practices that are associated with larger and more positive effects. 相似文献
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Expressing scientific uncertainty 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
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Miranda J. Ours William U. Weiss Ph.D. Cary Rostow Ph.D. Robert Davis Ph.D. 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2006,21(1):54-61
The Body Mass Index (BMI) was created in order to classify individuals into body weight categories ranging from below normal
to very obese, depending on the individual’s weight and height. The Body Mass Index has been identified as a marker for psychological
issues such as self-control, self-esteem, depression, and anxiety. This study used a data matrix composed of a sample of 2,506
police officer candidates. The BMI’s were calculated and correlated with 343 personality variables, including the MMPI-II
and the Personality Assessment Index. The results indicated a total of 87 significant correlations, 20 at the .05 level and
67 at the .01 level. Despite the fact that many of the correlations were small, the large number of correlations indicates
a significant relationship between BMI’s and individuals with problematic psychological and personality characteristics. Discussion
centers upon explanations of the relationship between the Body Mass Index and various psychological concepts. 相似文献