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951.
Kyle C. Kopko Sarah McKinnon Bryner Jeffrey Budziak Christopher J. Devine Steven P. Nawara 《Political Behavior》2011,33(2):271-290
This study uses an experimental design to simulate the ballot counting process during a hand-recount after a disputed election.
Applying psychological theories of motivated reasoning to the political process, we find that ballot counters’ party identification
conditionally influences their ballot counting decisions. Party identification’s effect on motivated reasoning is greater
when ballot counters are given ambiguous, versus specific, instructions for determining voter intent. This study’s findings
have major implications for ballot counting procedures throughout the United States and for the use of motivated reasoning
in the political science literature. 相似文献
952.
Debates about the role of money in politics are commonplace. Although some critics point to the potentially negative impact
spending has in elections, most recent scholarly evidence indicates that spending may actually promote greater participation
in the political process. However, most of this research has uncovered this relationship in races for more visible offices;
few studies have focused on whether the same linkage is present in low-information elections. For a variety of reasons, it
is not altogether certain whether this relationship would exist for such offices. To test this proposition, we examine the
impact of campaign spending on voter rolloff in 172 contested races for intermediate appellate courts (IAC) between 2000 and
2008. In contrast to other types of elections, combined candidate spending in these races had no effect on ballot rolloff. 相似文献
953.
Mikael Persson 《Political Behavior》2011,33(3):455-478
Numerous studies show that education has a positive effect on political participation at the individual level. However, the
increase in aggregate levels of education in most Western countries over the last decades has not resulted in a corresponding
increase in aggregate levels of political participation. Nie et al. (Education and democratic citizenship in America, 1996) propose the relative education model as a possible solution to this paradox. According to this model, it is not the skills
promoted by education that have positive effects on political participation. Rather, education influences individuals’ social
status, which in turn influences political participation. The relative education model expects that the individual-level effect
of an additional year of education will decrease as the mean level of education in the environment increases. This article
evaluates this theory using Swedish election surveys (1985–2006) and it thus provides the first in depth evaluation of the
relative education model outside the US. On voting and political participation related to political parties, support is found
for the relative education model. 相似文献
954.
Major campaign donors are highly concentrated geographically. A relative handful of neighborhoods accounts for the bulk of
all money contributed to political campaigns. Public opinion in these elite neighborhoods is very different from that in the
country as a whole and in low-donor areas. On a number of prominent political issues, the prevailing viewpoint in high-donor
neighborhoods can be characterized as cosmopolitan and libertarian, rather than populist or moralistic. Merging Federal Election
Commission contribution data with three recent large-scale national surveys, we find that these opinion differences are not
solely the result of big-donor areas’ high concentration of wealthy and educated individuals. Instead, these neighborhoods
have a distinctive political ecology that likely reinforces and intensifies biases in opinion. Given that these locales are
the origin for the lion’s share of campaign donations, they may steer the national political agenda in unrepresentative directions. 相似文献
955.
Simon Zschirnt 《Political Behavior》2011,33(4):685-701
This paper examines the permanence of differences in the psychological underpinnings of ideological self-identifications.
Previous research has suggested that conservatives differ from liberals insofar as their self-identifications as such are
best explained as the product of a negative reaction (both to liberalism generally and to the groups associated with it in
particular) rather than a positive embrace. However, this paper demonstrates that the dynamics underlying the formation of
ideological self-identifications are not static reflections of inherent differences in liberal and conservative psychologies
but rather evolve in response to changes in the political environment. Whereas feelings (positive or negative) toward liberalism
played a decisive role in shaping individuals’ ideological self-identifications during the New Deal/Great Society era of liberal
and Democratic political hegemony, the subsequent resurgence of political conservatism produced a decisive shift in the bases
of liberal and conservative self-identifications. In particular, just as conservative self-identifications once primarily
represented a reaction against liberalism and its associated symbols, hostility toward conservatism and its associated symbols
has in recent years become an increasingly important source of liberal self-identifications. 相似文献
956.
Timothy H. Goldsmith 《Society》2011,48(1):4-11
Self-interest is required for survival and reproduction and lies at the foundation of economic theory. But the presence of
social groups with functional internal structure is incompatible with unmitigated self-interest. This essay compares the control
of self-interest in humans and honey bees, showing the reasons for different evolutionary outcomes. The less effective checks
of self-interest in humans lead to familiar forms of social discord, and in our capitalistic democracy, negative economic
and ecological consequences of growing scope. Change will require moderating some firmly held political beliefs. 相似文献
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