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11.
Erika Edwards 《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2014,7(2):89-104
This article examines the ‘disappearance of the black population’ by moving beyond the more traditional explanation of the blanqueamiento (whitening) movement at the end of the nineteenth century. In shifting the temporal framework to the republican period, 1820–1853, a more colorful explanation arises to address how the black population was first lightened which would lead to it being whitened during the second half of the nineteenth century. Ultimately because of mestizaje (racial mixture), blacks and other castas (a person who was not a Spaniard and often of a mixed racial heritage) became pardos. Pardos at first included those of mixed heritage with an elite status among other castas in the colonial period. As Córdoba joined the nation-building process, pardo encompassed all people of color, especially the growing, free black population. In order to explain this process, I traced African descendants who were originally labeled negro and changed to pardo in the 1813, 1822, and 1832 city censuses 相似文献
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Lietzan E 《Journal of health law》2006,39(4):415-449
In approving the Food and Drug Administration's (FDA) Fiscal Year 2007 budget, the House approved an amendment that would prevent the agency from using appropriated funds to waive certain conflicts of interest identified by members of its advisory committees. The amendment, introduced by Representative Hinchey and known as the Hinchey Amendment, provides that no funds may be used to: waive a conflict of interest under Section 505(n)(4) of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FDCA) for any voting member of an FDA advisory committee or panel; or make a certification under Section 208(b)(3) of Title 18 of the U.S. Code for any such voting member. This creates a problem, as ties to industry create the very expertise that FDA values in its outside advisors-under the Hinchey Amendment, these very ties would prevent them from serving as advisors to FDA during the drug approval process. The author opposes this change in the law and argues that the Hinchey Amendment would undermine congressional efforts in 1962 and 1989 to carefully balance the goals of attracting qualified experts and protecting agency decisionmaking. Further, the author argues, this change is unnecessary at FDA, because experts on FDA advisory committees divulge their connections to the industry, because the committees offer only advice and do not make agency decisions, and because the agency is under the watchful eye of Congress, the public, and public interest groups. The Article concludes that although FDA's advisory committee conflict-of-interest process can be improved, congressional action is unnecessary, and a change in the law through amendment to an appropriations bill that does not go through the ordinary legislative process (as an amendment to the FDCA or Title 18 would) is inappropriate. Instead, recommendations from organizations studying FDA practice, such as the OIG, GAO, and IOM, should be used to carefully and reflectively amend the process at the agency level, within the existing statutory framework. 相似文献
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Bernal LP Borjas L Zabala W Portillo MG Fernández E Delgado W Tovar F Lander N Chiurillo MA Ramírez JL García O 《Forensic science international》2006,161(1):60-63
Allele frequencies for 15 short tandem repeats (STRs) autosomal loci (D8S1179, D21S11, D7S820, CSF1PO, D3S1358, TH01, D13S317, D16S539, D2S1338, D19S433, vWA, TPOX, D18S51, D5S818 and FGA, included in the AmpFLSTR Identifiler, Applied Biosystems) were studied in the city of Maracaibo, Venezuela and were compared with other published Latin-American populations for the same loci. Population and forensic parameters were estimated. 相似文献
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Erika J. van Elsas Armen Hakhverdian Wouter van der Brug 《West European politics》2016,39(6):1181-1204
In Western European democracies opposition to the European Union is commonly found at the ideological extremes. Yet, the Euroscepticism of radical left-wing and radical right-wing parties has been shown to have distinct roots and manifestations. The article investigates whether these differences are mirrored at the citizen level. Using data from the European Election Study (2009/2014) and the European Social Survey (2008/2012) in 15 West European countries, it is found that left-wing and right-wing citizens not only differ in the object of their Euroscepticism, but also in their motivations for being sceptical of the EU. Left-wing Eurosceptics are dissatisfied with the current functioning of the EU, but do not oppose further European integration per se, while right-wing Eurosceptics categorically reject European integration. Euroscepticism among left-wing citizens is motivated by economic and cultural concerns, whereas for right-wing citizens Euroscepticism is solely anchored in cultural attitudes. These results refine the common ‘horseshoe’ understanding of ideology and Euroscepticism. 相似文献