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The azygos vein ascends along the thoracic spine through the mediastinum and drains into the superior vena cava at the level of the fourth thoracic vertebra. Fracture-dislocation of the mid-thoracic spine, as a result of blunt thoracic trauma, can tear the azygos vein. Four such fatal cases (three motor vehicle accidents and one fall) were studied, only one of which was recognized prior to death. The vein can also be torn, in the absence of skeletal injuries, by horizontal acceleration/deceleration forces. The pathologist must consider azygos vein laceration as a possible cause of either hemothorax or hemomediastinum or both in a victim of a blunt chest trauma, if that individual had persistent hypotension during the few hours before death and no identifiable source of hemorrhage can be found postmortem in sites such as the heart, great vessels, lung, and chest wall. A fracture-dislocation of the thoracic spine may not necessarily be present. Azygos vein laceration seems to be an uncommon cause of hemothorax and hemomediastinum; however, this injury is probably more frequent than is implied by the few cases described in the medical literature. 相似文献
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Explanations of party competition and vote choice are commonly based on the Downsian view of politics: parties maximise votes by adopting positions on policy dimensions. However, recent research suggests that British voters choose parties based on evaluations of competence rather than on ideological position. This paper proposes a theoretical account which combines elements of the spatial model with the ‘issue ownership’ approach. Whereas the issue ownership theory has focused mainly on party competition, this paper examines the validity of the model from the perspective of both parties and voters, by testing its application to recent British general elections. Our findings suggest that as parties have converged ideologically, competence considerations have become more important than ideological position in British elections. 相似文献
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Sandra M. Stith Narkia M. Green Douglas B. Smith David B. Ward 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(3):149-160
A meta-analysis investigating the relationship between marital satisfaction/discord and intimate partner violence (IPV) in
heterosexual relationships was conducted with 32 articles. Overall, a small-to-moderate effect size (r = −0.27) indicated a significant and negative relationship existed between marital satisfaction/discord and IPV. Moderator
analyses found no differences between effect size based on construct examined (discord or satisfaction). However, the magnitudes
of observed effect sizes were influenced by other moderator variables, including the use of standardized versus non-standardized
measures, gender of the offender and victim, role in the violence (perpetrator versus victim), and sample type (clinical versus
community). The data suggests that gender is an especially important moderator variable in understanding the relationship
between marital satisfaction/discord and IPV. 相似文献
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Results from previous studies of campaign spending imply that equal-sized grants to both incumbents and challengers are a net benefit to challengers, who on average spend less money and derive greater marginal returns from each additional dollar. This study provides an experimental test of this proposition. Cities holding mayoral elections in November 2005 and 2006 were randomly assigned to broadcast nonpartisan radio ads that stated the names of the mayoral candidates, reminded listeners about the date of the upcoming election, and encouraged them to vote. Consistent with the findings of previous studies on the differential effects of incumbent and challenger campaign spending on election outcomes, we find that these radio ads produced substantially more competitive elections. The borderline statistical significance of our results, however, invites replication of this experiment. 相似文献
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This study examines whether the incidence of crossburnings rises in areas where white supremacist organizations, such as the Christian Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, have held rallies or demonstrations. Using data from two public interest groups, Klanwatch and North Carolinians Against Racial and Religious Violence, we track crossburnings and white supremacist activities in 100 North Carolina counties annually for the period 1987–1993. Various statistical models, including an event count analysis that allows each county to have its own level or reporting bias, indicate that the base rate at which crossburnings occur rises sharply in counties where a demonstration has taken place. Since none of the suspected crossburners has apparent ties to white supremacist groups, it may be that white supremacist rallies encourage fellow travelers to engage in this form of racial intimidation. 相似文献
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Denis Green 《北京周报(英文版)》2015,(15):48-48
<正>Remember the days when people used to have a phone,a computer and a camera?I do,simply because it wasn’t that long ago.However,as technology hurtles along at the speed of light,it might have escaped some people’s attention that these three devices now come together in the form of a smartphone. 相似文献
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Cathy Green Miniratu Soyoola Mary Surridge Abdul Razak Badru Dynes Kaluba Paula Quigley 《Development in Practice》2015,25(4):450-464
This paper examines a demand-side intervention that significantly increased access to maternal health services in rural Zambia in a context where skilled birth attendance rates had been stagnant for over two decades. Aspects of the intervention design that were crucial to the programme's success were the participatory and adult learning-centred approach used to mobilise intervention communities, the use of a community volunteer model, and the design's sensitivity and responsiveness to underlying social factors and problems. The demand-side intervention is already being scaled up in six districts, and is highly suitable for national level scale-up. 相似文献