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61.
What do nuclear weapons mean for the stability of the military balance? Mutually assured destruction (MAD) describes a stalemated balance of power where nuclear adversaries possess survivable retaliatory capabilities that ensure neither side can escape devastation in an all-out nuclear war. Moreover, the strong form of this empirical claim, which one might term “deep MAD,” is that mutual vulnerability is an inalterable and unchangeable condition. Drawing from recently declassified primary sources, we test several of deep MAD's premises and predictions on one of its foundational cases: Soviet nuclear policy during the second half of the Cold War. We find that Soviet leaders remained seriously concerned about the nuclear balance even in an allegedly deep-MAD environment where warheads numbered in the tens of thousands. Indeed, Soviet leaders were uncertain that they could indefinitely maintain a secure second strike despite strenuous efforts. The reason for these discrepancies, we argue, is that the nuclear balance is actually more malleable than commonly admitted. The possibility that MAD might one day be escaped meant that US attempts to manipulate the nuclear balance during the latter part of the Cold War could carry political weight, even while MAD was still possible. 相似文献
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Michael Steven Green 《Law and Philosophy》2011,30(4):381-418
In this essay reviewing Brian Leiter’s recent book Naturalizing Jurisprudence, I focus on two positions that distinguish Leiter’s reading of the American legal realists from those offered in the past.
The first is his claim that the realists thought the law is only locally indeterminate – primarily in cases that are appealed.
The second is his claim that they did not offer a prediction theory of law, but were instead committed to a standard positivist
theory. Leiter’s reading is vulnerable, because he fails to discuss in detail those passages from the realists that inspired
past interpretations. My goal is to see how Leiter’s reading fares when these passages are considered. I argue that Leiter
is right that the realists’ indeterminacy thesis has only a local scope. Those passages that appear to claim that the law
is globally indeterminate actually address three other topics: judicial supremacy, judges’ roles as finders of fact, and the
moral obligation to adjudicate as the law commands. With respect to the prediction theory, however, I conclude that Leiter’s
position cannot be defended. Indeed the realists offered two ‘prediction’ theories of law. According to the first, which is
best described as a decision theory, the law concerning an event is whatever concrete judgment a court will issue when the
event is litigated. According to the second, the law is reduced, not to concrete judgments, but to regularities of judicial
(and other official) behavior in a jurisdiction. I end this essay with the suggestion that the realists’ advocacy of the second
prediction theory indirectly vindicates Leiter’s reading of the realists as prescient jurisprudential naturalists. 相似文献
64.
The use of instrumental variables regression in political science has evolved from an obscure technique to a staple of the political science tool kit. Yet the surge of interest in the instrumental variables method has led to implementation of uneven quality. After providing a brief overview of the method and the assumptions on which it rests, we chart the ways in which these assumptions are invoked in practice in political science. We review more than 100 articles published in the American Journal of Political Science, the American Political Science Review, and World Politics over a 24‐year span. We discuss in detail two noteworthy applications of instrumental variables regression, calling attention to the statistical assumptions that each invokes. The concluding section proposes reporting standards and provides a checklist for readers to consider as they evaluate applications of this method. 相似文献
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Betsy Sinclair Margaret McConnell Donald P. Green 《American journal of political science》2012,56(4):1055-1069
Interpersonal communication presents a methodological challenge and a research opportunity for researchers involved in field experiments. The challenge is that communication among subjects blurs the line between treatment and control conditions. When treatment effects are transmitted from subject to subject, the stable unit treatment value assumption (SUTVA) is violated, and comparison of treatment and control outcomes may provide a biased assessment of the treatment’s causal influence. Social scientists are increasingly interested in the substantive phenomena that lead to SUTVA violations, such as communication in advance of an election. Experimental designs that gauge SUTVA violations provide useful insights into the extent and influence of interpersonal communication. This article illustrates the value of one such design, a multilevel experiment in which treatments are randomly assigned to individuals and varying proportions of their neighbors. After describing the theoretical and statistical underpinnings of this design, we apply it to a large‐scale voter‐mobilization experiment conducted in Chicago during a special election in 2009 using social‐pressure mailings that highlight individual electoral participation. We find some evidence of within‐household spillovers but no evidence of spillovers across households. We conclude by discussing how multilevel designs might be employed in other substantive domains, such as the study of deterrence and policy diffusion. 相似文献
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Prof Richard T. Green 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(2):165-186
Alexander Hamilton's career provides much insight about responsible public administration. This article emphasizes his linking of character and competence in public administration to our American constitutional form and values. His “prudent constitutionalism” yielded a normative theory of action that remains relevant though largely unexamined. 相似文献
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