Tranarchism: transgender embodiment and destabilization of the state

Transgender, in the simplest sense, is an umbrella term for individuals whose gender identities and/or expressions of those identities fall outside of binary sex/gender identification norms. Though some anarchists live gender-transgressive lives, and some transgender people would call themselves anarchists, literature formally connecting the two modes of being is scarce. Much existing anarchist literature discussing issues of transgender identity attempts to determine whether gender non-conformity itself is inherently anarchic. The state dictates that gender is a necessary means of categorization in order to classify and manage people. Gender transgressors, in undermining a fundamental tool of the state, must then be acting anarchically. I argue, however, that imbuing trans identification with innate anarchic meanings is problematic. As anarchism itself can be manifested and lived in a myriad of highly variant, even contradictory, ways, gender subversion acts as a tool, rather than embodiment, of anarchy. This study uses queer, anarcha-feminist, and post-structuralist frameworks to examine gender transgression as a means of destabilizing the state by challenging state reliance on binary gender classifications. By understanding how transgender people who often interact with state authority for survival and legitimization posses the power to undermine it, anarchism can both empower and be empowered by the movement for gender justice.     

FITTING THE FORUM TO THE FAMILY FUSS

This article analyzes advantages and disadvantages of mediation, collaborative law, and cooperative law based on the parties' capabilities, attitudes about professional services, and assessments of and preferences about the risks of various procedures. Each of these procedures has virtues and there is great value in providing clients and practitioners with a choice of procedures. Under collaborative and cooperative law, lawyers and clients agree to focus exclusively on negotiation from the outset the case, typically using a problem-solving process. Collaborative law involves a written "disqualification agreement" between all the parties and their lawyers under which lawyers are disqualified from representing parties in litigation if either party chooses to litigate. Cooperative law is similar but does not use the disqualification agreement. Because most communities do not have lawyers offering cooperative law, collaborative law groups should encourage at least some of their members to offer clients the option of cooperative law.     

Organizational differentiation and integration: the case of regional economic development policy in Canada

Abstract: Over the past two and a half decades regional development policy and administration has gone through at least five distinct stages: in 1961 the government started with a number of uncoordinated boards and agencies; in 1969 it created the high profile and centralized Department of Regional ECOnomic Expansion (DREE); a few years later (1973), DREE was decentralized and became more low key in its approach; in 1978 the government struck the centralized Board of Development Ministers, supported by the Ministry of State for Economic Development (MSED), to revamp the national economy while maintaining DREE in its decentralized format; and in 1982 DREE was abolished and the Cabinet Committee for Economic and Regional Development (CCERD), headed by a Minister of State for Economic and Regional Development and supported by a Ministry of State for Economic and Regional Development (NSERD), was given the responsibility of integrating economic and regional development activities of all line departments. The logic of and reasons for the 1982 reorganization are assessed. Although innovative, particularly with regard to the placement of a Federal Economic Development Coordinator (FEDC) in each province, the reorganization does not necessarily mean improved regional policy. Major obstacles are identified which may serve to prevent the objectives of the reorganization from being realized. Sommaire: Au cours des vingt-cinq dernières années, In politique et l'administration du développenient régional sont passées par au moins cinq étapes distinctes: en 1961, le gouvernement a commence avec un certain nombre de commissions et dorganismes isolés; en 1969, il a créé le ministère de l'Expansion éonomique régionale (MEER), organisme centralisé et très en vue; quelques années plus tard, en 1973, le MEER a été décentralisé et est devenu beaucoup plus modeste; en 1978, le gouvernement a mis sur pied un autre organisme centralisé, la Commission des ministres du développement qui, appuyée par le département d'État au Développement économique (DEDE), devait réorganiser l'économie nationale tout en maintenant la décentralisation du MEER; puis en 1982, le MEER a été aboli et c'est au comité du Cabinet pour le Développement économique et régional, dirigé par le ministre d'État au Développement économique et régional et appuyé par le département d'État au Développement économique et régional, qu'a été donnée la responsabilité d'intégrer les activités de développement économique et régional de tous les ministères verticaux. L'article suivant évalue les raisons de la réorganisation de 1982. Bien que cette réorganisation ait été innovatrice, particulièrement en ce qui concerne le placement d'un coordonnateur fédéral au développement économique dans chaque province, la politique régionale ne s'en est pas trouvée nécessairement améliorée. Les auteurs mettent en relief les obstacles majeurs qui empêcheront peut-être la réalisation des objectifs de la réorganisation.     

Surrogate decision-making for incompetent elderly patients: the role of informal representatives

Informal or unofficial representation refers to the practice (more common in some European jurisdictions than in others), that persons not designed by a court or by the patient himself, make medical decisions on the patient's behalf in case of their incompetence. If the law provides for this, it is usually next of kin (spouse, children, brothers and sisters, etc.) who are allowed to act in such a capacity. Informal representation raises several questions. Are family members always familiar with what their relative would have wished, ready to take responsibility, and not too much reigned by their emotions? The basic legal concern is whether there are sufficient procedural and other safeguards to protect the incompetent patient from representatives who do not serve their best interests. In addressing these issues, after a brief survey of the law in the Netherlands as compared with that in Belgium, Germany and England/Wales, we will argue that informal representation as such is not at variance with international and European standards. However, an 'informal' approach to surrogate decision-making should always go together with sufficient protection of the incompetent patient, including procedural safeguards with regard to the decision that the patient is incompetent, limits to the decision-making power of informal representatives and effective forms of conflict resolution.     

Value of stealing bases in Major League Baseball

This paper asks whether stealing bases contributes to scoring runs and winning games in Major League Baseball. A successful attempt advances the runner to the next base, which raises his chances of scoring a run; being caught stealing results in an out. Exploiting a dataset that includes all professional MLB teams and 15 regular seasons of play (1990–2004), the empirical results suggest that players attempting to steal bases are successful two out of three times. On the average and other things being the same, a one-standard deviation increase in the number of stolen base attempts results in 3.65 more games won per season.     

Reinvention and retrenchment: Lessons from the application of the New Zealand model to Alberta,Canada

Is New Zealand a model for “reinventing” government and cutting spending? The government of Alberta, Canada, consciously replicated significant elements of the New Zealand model to attain fiscal balance and public sector reorganization, including the core element of restructuring institutions to change individual behavior. Despite broad similarities in policy content and outcome, differences in the specific content of policy and the politics of policy implementation led to differences in the sustainability of reform and the location of budget cuts. Alberta's Progressive Conservative party emphasized expenditure cuts where both the New Zealand Labour and National parties emphasized government reorganization and the introduction of market mechanisms. Contrasting these efforts to balance budgets and reinvent government suggests that there is considerable variation in the “model,” and that left governments in general are probably more likely to pursue and succeed at the reinvention of government, while stinting fiscal balance. Right governments, on the other hand, are more likely to achieve short-run fiscal balance at the expense of successful reinvention. In turn this suggests that while the partisan orientation of the reforming party matters, neither has an ideal policy mix for long-term fiscal stability. Alternation of governments may provide the best policy mix.