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James L. Gibson 《Political Behavior》2005,27(4):313-323
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought
to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate
that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient
opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in
all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical
work on political tolerance and intolerance.
* I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper. 相似文献
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Latinx youth living in the United States reside in a myriad of cultural and neighborhood contexts, yet little is known regarding how cultural values influence behavior problems across neighborhood contexts. Using a person–environment fit framework, the present study explored the degree to which youth cultural values were associated with their externalizing problems, and the degree to which this association was shaped by their neighborhood’s socioeconomic status (SES), and Latinx and immigrant concentration. The sample comprised of 998 Latinx youth (Female?=?54.2%), ages 10 to 14 years old (Mage?=?11.8), from three large United States metropolitan areas. Multilevel modeling methods indicated that increased fit between youth cultural values and neighborhood Latinx and immigrant concentration was associated with fewer externalizing problems, but only in higher SES neighborhoods. The results support the importance of studying social determinants of Latinx youth behavioral health, and provide implications for both neighborhood-level and individual-level prevention and intervention programming. 相似文献
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Steven V. Miller 《Political Behavior》2017,39(2):457-478
Why do some individuals prefer to be governed in an authoritarian political system? One intuitive answer is that citizens prefer authoritarian rule when the economy and society are in turmoil. These are common explanations for democratic backsliding, and the emergence and success of authoritarian leaders in the twentieth century. Which of these explanations better explains preferences for authoritarian rule? Both types of threat coincide in small samples and high-profile cases, creating inferential problems. I address this by using three waves of World Values Survey data to look at individual-level preferences for different forms of authoritarian government. Using multiple macroeconomic and societal indicators, I find that economic threats, especially increasing income inequality, better explain preferences for authoritarian government. I conclude with implications for understanding the emergence of support for authoritarianism in fledgling democracies. 相似文献
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Murat C. Mungan 《Public Choice》2017,172(3-4):397-397
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Peter Boettke 《Public Choice》2017,171(1-2):17-22
In this tribute to Robert Tollison, I will outline his contributions to the development of public choice. I focus on Tollison’s work on rent-seeking, the political economy of reform, and the rules level of analysis in sports economics. Throughout his career, Tollison brilliantly figured out ways to take insights from price theory and public choice theory and operationalize them using multiple methods of empirical analysis, including historical interpretation and statistical testing. 相似文献