A sheriff, two bullets and three problems

This paper analyzes deterrence in international conflicts. Assume a strong country has several opponents and faces a military capacity constraint, which is not exhausted after just one war. Two main effects are at work. If the strong country is constrained, then reputation is more expensive and may occur less often. The problem is that the opponents may (but need not) be more aggressive compared to a world without a constraint. It may be that an “axis of evil” does not exist before a war occurs, but is implicitly formed even by moderate countries after the first war was waged. A point of interest is whether the constrained strong country should obtain additional capacity, given that the objective is to minimize the number of wars. The analysis sheds some new light on the U.S. foreign policy, the United Nations and the “axis of evil”     

英国"托护"青少年的心理健康问题

托护(looked after)青少年是指父母无力监护、监护不力以及受到家庭虐待的青少年.这类由政府专门机构或寄养家庭收养的青少年,他们的心理健康问题复杂多样.     

Academic and Surrogate Entrepreneurs in University Spin-out Companies

Universities have two options when they formulate policies to develop new technology-based start-ups. One approach is to encourage faculty members to engage in this activity. Another avenue is to encourage surrogate (external) entrepreneurs to assume a leadership role. Based on a survey of technology transfer/business development officers at 57 U.K. universities, we examine perceptions regarding the advantages and disadvantages of each approach. We also analyze whether there are significant differences in these attitudes between universities that have launched many start-ups and those that have been less active in this arena. Our results imply that the most significant barriers to the adoption of entrepreneurial-friendly policies are cultural and informational. We also find that universities that generate the most start-ups have more favorable attitudes towards surrogate entrepreneurs. It appears that a combination of academic and surrogate entrepreneurship might be the best approach for universities that wish to develop successful technology-transfer based start-up companies.     

Reconstructing the hymen: mutilation or restoration?

Female genital mutilation (FGM)--previously known as female circumcision--was criminalised in many countries in the 1990s. This occurred mainly in Western nations and responded to the perception that FGM was intended to subjugate women and was an abuse of human rights. However, other female genital surgical procedures have a totally different intent and are designed to restore the integrity of the hymen, correct deformity or simply enhance the appearance of the female genitalia. Such procedures, unlike FGM, are performed on women who have reached the age of consent and who request the surgery themselves. Restoring the integrity of the hymen (so-called "hymenoplasty") can erase evidence of the sexual history of a woman. "Revirgination" may have particular importance to women contemplating marriage in cultures where a high value is placed on virginity Some commentators have equated hymenoplasty with corrective surgery intended to restore the condition of female circumcision--techniques which are prohibited by most Australian criminal statutes. However, the medical, ethical and human rights arguments against FGM are not easily extended to revirgination and other cosmetic genital surgery. This article examines whether revirgination surgery has effectively been criminalised in Australia and whether this is appropriate from a medical and ethical perspective.     

Missed Opportunities and New Risks: Penal Policy in England and Wales in the Past Twenty‐Five Years

This paper discusses trends in criminal justice and penal policy over the past twenty‐five years. This period has been characterised as a time of penal populism, which originated in the failure of the 1991 Criminal Justice Act, and the competition between the main political parties to be ‘tough on crime’. However, this is not the only trend to be found in penal policy. There has continued to be a strong undertow of support for rehabilitation and community penalties, including restorative justice. There has been pressure from the left as much as the right to take domestic violence, sexual offences against women and children, and hate crimes more seriously. There have been pressures to meet performance targets—which gradually transformed into calls to build the legitimacy of the justice system. Finally, there have been pressures to privatise criminal justice agencies. These various impulses have sometimes amplified and sometimes counteracted the pressures towards tough penal policy. If the period of intense penal populism ran from 1993 to 2007, inertia in the system has ensured that there have been no significant attempts to row back from tough policies, and to reassert the values of penal parsimony. Given that money has been tight since 2007 and crime has continued to fall, this must amount to a lost opportunity of significant proportions.