首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   70073篇
  免费   3567篇
各国政治   4815篇
工人农民   2941篇
世界政治   6405篇
外交国际关系   3930篇
法律   32528篇
中国共产党   9篇
中国政治   833篇
政治理论   21206篇
综合类   973篇
  2023年   370篇
  2021年   442篇
  2020年   1203篇
  2019年   1628篇
  2018年   1762篇
  2017年   2078篇
  2016年   2274篇
  2015年   1931篇
  2014年   2202篇
  2013年   10923篇
  2012年   1715篇
  2011年   1838篇
  2010年   1890篇
  2009年   2081篇
  2008年   1811篇
  2007年   1755篇
  2006年   1946篇
  2005年   1814篇
  2004年   1725篇
  2003年   1510篇
  2002年   1561篇
  2001年   1648篇
  2000年   1391篇
  1999年   1256篇
  1998年   1117篇
  1997年   1000篇
  1996年   964篇
  1995年   932篇
  1994年   932篇
  1993年   959篇
  1992年   990篇
  1991年   1018篇
  1990年   960篇
  1989年   980篇
  1988年   970篇
  1987年   981篇
  1986年   968篇
  1985年   1034篇
  1984年   953篇
  1983年   989篇
  1982年   885篇
  1981年   840篇
  1980年   663篇
  1979年   707篇
  1978年   595篇
  1977年   530篇
  1976年   490篇
  1975年   407篇
  1974年   415篇
  1973年   416篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 300 毫秒
991.
In this essay we shall examine the contemporary jurisprudential thinking and legal precedents surrounding the issue of the sanctionability of pornography. We shall catalogue them by their logical presumptions, such as whether they view pornography as speech or act, whether they view pornography as obscenity, political hate-speech or anomalous other, whether they would scrutinize legislation governing pornography by a balancing of the harm of repression against the harm of permission, and who exactly they view as the victims.We shall take a special interest in the most recent, but unsuccessful, attempt by a subgroup of feminists to proscribe pornography by treating it as neither political speech nor sexual speech but speech which causes harm which is both political and sexual. They would like it to be considered as a special kind of odious propaganda undeserving of protection because it promulgates a mental state conducive to criminal activity, and hence is criminal in and of itself. However, the repression of propaganda, even odious propaganda, is not so easily accomplished in this country.Most anti-censors have emphasized the uncertainty of the causal connection between pornography and sexual violence. We shall contend that this is not the essential issue, and that, even if we agree with the allegations of pornography's prurient non-intellectual appeal and its tendency to excite criminal hostility, the current understanding of the Bill of Rights allows sanctioning only under the stringent requirement of the showing of a clear and present danger of specific and immediate acts.We raise the question of whether there should be a new standard for speech which is simultaneously political and sexual, and/or for speech whose harmful message is presented subliminally, on the grounds that such speech may not be adequately opposed by counter speech in the marketplace of ideas.  相似文献   
992.
993.
994.
995.
Beck M  Rosenberg D  Wingert P  Hager M 《Newsweek》1994,123(14):30-31
  相似文献   
996.
"This study analyzes the importance of children in the care of elderly populations in rural communities [in Mexico].... In particular, the perception of elders about the value of their children is analyzed, especially the role children play in their economic contribution to the household or their instrumental value to it at different stages of their lives.... With respect [to] the condition in which children support their parents in their old age the economic assistance given was studied too. Finally, the preference regarding family size of those 60 years or older [is] given, as well as the view points of women on the need to control fertility and reduce family size. Three different types of cost are studied: the economic cost of supporting and caring for children, the emotional cost of their upbringing and the health cost of multiple pregnancies and births." (SUMMARY IN ENG)  相似文献   
997.
Despite the increasingly liberal cast of the national Democratic Party, self-identified conservatives continue to represent a significant segment of the party. At least 25 percent of Democratic identifiers considered themselves to be conservatives during the 1972–1988 period. This paper explores the puzzle of why significant numbers of political conservatives continue to identify with the Democratic Party. We argue that conservative Democrats relate to their party not because of political ideology, as do Republicans and to a lesser extent, liberal/moderate Democrats, but because of the symbolic values associated with the main groups in the party—what we refer to as party ethos. This proposition is examined by analyzing a new set of open-ended questions included in the 1988 American National Election Study probing citizens' images and assessments of the Republican and Democratic parties.The data utilized in this paper were made available by the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research. The data forAmerican National Election Study 1988: Pre- and Post-Election Survey were originally collected by Warren E. Miller and the National Election Studies. Neither the collector of the original data nor the Consortium bears any responsibility for the analyses or interpretations presented here.  相似文献   
998.
Wald  Kenneth D.  Shye  Samuel 《Political Behavior》1994,16(1):157-178
Utilizing several theories of sociocultural mobilization, this paper examines the contours of secular-religious conflict in contemporary Israel. According to a survey of adult Israelis, resistance to religious coercion among the secular population is driven primarily by symbolic, social, and cognitive forces rather than perceived discrimination or the threat posed by spatial proximity to the religious. As such, it is rooted in cultural identity. The theocratic disposition among religious Israelis is almost entirely a matter of social identification. These findings both confirm existing theories of intergroup conflict and suggest a framework for analyzing religion and state controversies in other polities.  相似文献   
999.
1000.

TheAlgemene Rekenkamer functions in the area around government and parliament. This chapter focuses on two questions: How does theRekenkamer ascertain loss of efficiency and effectiveness within government, and how does theRekenkamer restrict loss of efficiency and effectiveness within its own organization?

The goal of theRekenkamer is to provide parliament with reasonable assurances of the validity of expenses incurred and to promote the efficiency of the ministries and the effective spending of state funds. TheRekenkamer pursues a policy aimed at achieving these goals. Some central elements in this active policy are

  • ? An independent position,

  • ? Optimum reliability,

  • ? Strategic planning,

  • ? Both regularity and performance audits.

  • ? The political and social relevance of research subjects, and

  • ? Dialogue between parliament and theRekenkamer.

With regard to the audit theory of W.J. Van Braband, some suggestions for improvement are given.

  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号