The Medicare secondary payor provisions: possible rewards and pitfalls

A 1990 report prepared by the Office of Inspector General estimated that as much as $1 billion is lost to the Medicare program annually because (i) secondary payor situations are not detected and (ii) insurance companies often do not pay when they are required to be the primary payors. Office of Inspector General, No. A-09-98-00151, April 1990, Medicare and Medicaid Guide (CCH) [symbol: see text] 39,112, at 25,649. In order to better enforce the MSP provisions, suggestions have been made at the Congressional level to impose sanctions against providers who demonstrate a pattern of inappropriate billing practices such as double billing, repeated failures to screen beneficiaries for other insurance coverage, and the repeated submission to Medicare of bills that should be submitted to another payor. (See the Subcommittee Report on erroneous payments under the MSP program, supra.) Although authority for such sanctions has yet to be adopted, given the fiscal problems currently plaguing the federal government, providers can expect increased enforcement of the MSP provisions as a means of reducing Medicare costs, and should review their screening and billing practices accordingly.     

The New Right and family politics

Political concern for the family has historically been intermittent; the present context is that there are considerable consequences for individuals, families, and personal life. Socioeconomic and cultural changes brought the rise of the New Right; The Thatcher (UK) and Reagan (US) administrations were committed to strengthening the traditional family. The emergence of the family as a social problem and the political agenda are discussed. The costs of liberalism were felt in a recessionary economy. The US political agenda of Carter to hold a White House Conference on the American Family never materialized. Reagan used the restoration of the traditional American family as a way to get the economy back on its feet. Moral crusaders and the new evangelical Christian movement merged with the political right; the "Gang of Four" (Republican Party right) politicians involved morally conservative communities normally outside the political area into the New Right. Grass roots organizations were mobilized on the Right. The British situation is explained; differences existed in that there were no antiabortion and moral lobby groups tied to the Right although their influence was felt. Pressure group politics is relatively novel to Britain. The Moral Majority in the US and right wing pressure groups on the Tory government are but 1 part of the New Right; it is characterized as populist, proclaiming the Radical Conservatism of Adam Smith and Edmund Burke. The approach in this article is to show the complex interactions of theory, biography, and public opinion in the practical politics of the New Right. Policy outcomes are not predictable because of ideological differences in New Right attitudes toward the family. The attitudes of the moral order and the family is exemplified in the work of Roger Scruton's neoconservative stand on social order, Robert Nozick's Kantian proposition that human beings are ends with natural inviolable rights of individual freedom, Hayak and Friedman's efficacy of the market in guarantees of freedom, and Ferdinand Mount's concern for family based in humanist, secular, and anticollectivist thought. Thatcher and Reagan both incorporated the ideological contradictions of the aforementioned positions. The failure of the New Right in implementing policy is explained. The greatest obstacle was the major demographic, economic, social, and cultural shifts which impacted on the role of women. The camp was divided. Economic policies did not strengthen the traditional family. It is likely that the family will remain as a political pressure point.     

Reviews

R. W. Davies, ed., From Tsarism to the New Economic Policy. Continuity and Change in the Economy of the USSR. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990, xx + 417 pp., £45.00.

Alastair McAuley, ed., Soviet Federalism, Nationalism and Economic Decentralisation. Leicester and London: Leicester University Press, 1991, ix + 214pp., £38.00.

Loren Graham, ed., Science and the Soviet Social Order. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1990, ix + 443 pp., £27.95.

Ronald I. McKinnon, The Order of Economic Liberalization: Financial Control in the Transition to a Market Economy. Baltimore, MD, and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991. xii + 200 pp., £20.00. $32.00.

Mary McAuley, Bread and Justice: State and Society in Petrograd 1917–1922. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991, xviii + 461 pp., £45.00.

David Armstrong & Erik Goldstein, eds, The End of the Cold War. London: Frank Cass & Co Ltd, 1990. 216pp., £19.50.

Paul B. Stephan III & Boris M. Klimenko, eds, International Law and International Security: Military and Political Dimensions. A US‐Soviet Dialogue. Armonk, NY, and London: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1991, xxii + 362 pp., $90.00.

Richard F. Staar, Foreign Policies of the Soviet Union. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1991, xl + 352 pp., £14.95 p/b.

Robert O. Freedman, Moscow and the Middle East: Soviet Policy Since the Invasion of Afghanistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, xi + 426 pp., £35.00 h/b, £14.95 p/b.

Galia Golan, Soviet Policies in The Middle East: From World War II to Gorbachev. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, ix + 319 pp., £27.50 h/b, £10.95 p/b.

Brian McNair, Glasnost, Perestroika and the Soviet Media. London and New York: Routledge, 1991, x + 231 pp., £35.00.

Shams Ud Din, ed, Perestroika and the Nationality Question in the USSR. New Delhi: Vikas, 1991, xv + 145 pp., £15.95.

Ronald J. Hill & Jan Zielonka, eds, Restructuring Eastern Europe: Towards a New European Order. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1990, ix + 226 pp., £28.50.

Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution 1919–1953. London: Harvard University Press, 1991, v + 259 pp., £27.95 h/b.

Bartlomiej Kamiriski, The Collapse of State Socialism: the Case of Poland. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991, xiv + 264 pp., $39.50 h/b, $14.95 p/b.

David Ost, Solidarity and the Politics of Anti‐Politics. Opposition and Reform in Poland since 1968. Philadelphia, PA: Temple UP, 1990, xi + 279 pp. $34.95.

Roman Laba, The Roots of Solidarity—A Political Sociology of Working Class Democratisation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1991, xii + 247 pp., $24.95.

Keith Sword, ed, The Soviet Takeover of the Polish Eastern Provinces, 1939–41. London: Macmillan (in association with the School of Slavonic and East European Studies), 1991, xxiii + 318 pp., £45.00.

William B. Husband, Revolution in the Factory: The Birth of Soviet Textile Industry, 1917–20. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990, viii + 227 pp. £25.00.     

What the doctor should do

Domestic violence is an epidemic, but physicians say it's not their problem. The A.M.A. disagrees and wants to put them in an uncomfortable new role.     

Urban growth in India: demographic and sociocultural prospects

The numerical and qualitative aspects of the growth of the Indians urban population are discussed with the benefit of data from the last 4 censuses. Thinkers exemplified by M.K. Gandhi believe that urban growth erodes Indian culture, while opponents argue that India's traditional way of life deserves to be obliterated. The "mechanics" of erosion of Indian culture is discussed under 5 headings: its locus, speed, direction, type of population shifts, and types of cities affected by growth. The village, which is the principal locus of Indian culture, is the locus affected by urbanization. The quantitative estimate of urbanization is extremely rapid: between 1951 and 1988, the urban population grew from 62 to 217 million. In this period rural numbers grew from 295 to 618 million. Because of the hugh natural increase of the rural population, the proportion of the urban population grew only from 17.3% to 23.3%. The direction of change is described as a process or cultural accretion or "interpenetration" rather than replacement of tradition by urban culture. Populations shifts account for a large amount of urban increase, a net rise in urban sector of 15 million/decade. While the 4 largest cities received the most immigrants, growing at 3.16%, the intermediate 6 cities with populations 1 million in 1981 grew even faster, at 3.48%. It is likely that India's population after the 1991 census is complete will be 910 million, with 27% urban.