Injuries due to deliberate violence in areas of Denmark. II. Victims of homicide in the Copenhagen area

As part of a transcultural investigation of injuries due to deliberate violence in Denmark and South America, homicides in the Copenhagen area were studied for a 1-year period. Forty-five cases corresponding to a rate of approximately 2/10(5) per year were recorded. The rate seems to be increasing and the pattern changing with a higher frequency of stabbing and with an increasing frequency of high blood-alcohol concentrations in the victims. The highest number were killed at home. In the majority of cases the aggressor and the victim knew each other. A reduction in alcohol consumption is indicated as a possible preventive measure.     

Species differentiation by placental morphology with human and animal tissue. A contribution to species determination in relation to embryo findings

On the occasion of an embryo being found with attached placenta, species differentiation of the fetus was to be carried out within the framework of a preliminary proceeding. Consulted gynecologists diagnosed a human embryo. From the macroscopic and histologic structure of the placenta, our investigations resulted a species diagnosis of an embryo belonging to the order Carnivora (cat). The diversity of external placental shapes as well as of different histologic structures permit species differentiation. The delimitation of the human embryo from nonhuman tissue should always be possible, even on formalin-fixed material.     

7. Speyerer Planungsrechtstage und Luftverkehrsrechtstag

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Priming citizens to think about public participation initiatives: Does it impact their view of government?

Prior research has shown that public participation initiatives may have positive effects on how participating citizens view government. However, little is known about whether and how priming citizens to think about such initiatives influences the view of government among the larger public. Using a survey experiment, we find that the effect of priming citizens to think of a public participation initiative that includes a small group of citizens on their view of government is conditional on how proximate the service, which the initiative resolves around, is to citizens. Notably, across outcome measures we a find a negative priming effect among those for which the service is not proximate. These results are highly important, as they suggest that among the larger public, public participation initiatives—that involve few citizens—may have mixed results on the view of government, thus questioning the legitimacy of decisions reached by such initiatives.     

The effects of physical effort on police officers' perception and aggression in simulated shooting incidents

Abstract

In the present experiment the effects of physical effort on police officers' aggression and perception in simulates shooting incidents were investigated. Based upon Kahneman's (1973) variable-allocation capacity model it was hypothesized that physical effort will result in a decease in aggression towards aggressive offenders. Based upon Kahneman's model and Easterbrook's (1959) Cue-Utilization-Hypothesis it was further expected that this decrease in aggression will be caused by an incorrect judgement of the aggression of aggressive offenders (and not by an impaired perception). The findings confirmed these hypotheses.     

Why So Few (Republican) Women? Explaining the Partisan Imbalance of Women in the U.S. Congress

This article examines why the percentage of Democratic women in Congress has increased dramatically since the 1980s while the percentage of Republican women has barely grown. The central claim is that ideological conformity with the party influences the decision to run for office, and I suggest that partisan polarization has discouraged ideological moderates in the pipeline from pursuing a congressional career. The findings have gendered implications because, first, Republican women in the pipeline have historically been to the left of their male counterparts, and second, there is a dearth of conservative women in the pipeline.     

Subsistence production and extended reproduction. A contribution to the discussion about modes of production

The present paper deals with what is considered to be the basic contradiction within the capitalist mode of production: the separation of subsistence production from social production. In the following some theses concerning how this separation works for accumulation and the way it is reproduced together with capital are presented. The central argument is that the separation is fundamentally necessary for accumulation. Within our present capitalist world economy housewives on the one hand and peasants (both men and women) on the other are the main subsistence producers. In different concrete forms both reproduce labour power for capital but are not compensated by capital. The way in which these two groups are integrated into the capitalist mode of production is through their marginalization, i.e. they form the consolidated mass of the industrial reserve army. As such they are continuously reproduced together with the process of extended reproduction of capital. They are two basic forms of capitalist relations of production.     

Confidence in Institutions in Post-Communist Societies: The Case of the Baltic States

The transition from totalitarian to democratic rule in the Baltic states raises the question of conditions for regime legitimacy and stability. The article focuses on the level of confidence people have in institutions after change of regime. The confidence in political and social institutions is at a surprisingly low level. The data suggest that people have more confidence in institutions producing symbols than they have in policy-making and implementing institutions. There is also evidence to show that leaders are more trusted than institutions as such. A survey of the potential background variables shows that people with higher education have lower confidence in institutions than the less well educated. But low confidence in institutions does not necessarily spell gloomy prospects for procedural democratic development, as long as the elites do have some popular support and the capacity for consensual integration.