Finnish mitochondrial DNA HVS-I and HVS-II population data

We have analyzed the two hypervariable regions HVS-I and HVS-II of 200 Finnish male individuals for forensic purposes. The distribution of the haplotypes within Finland was determined by the geographical knowledge of the donors' maternal ancestors. In our population sample, we identified 135 different mtDNA haplotypes. Different mtDNA sequences were further divided to haplogroups using the EMPOP software. The most common haplogroups were H (40.0%) and U (27.5%). Subgroup U5b, which contains earlier described "Saami motif", consisted majority (65.5%) of the sample in the U haplogroup. Analysis of the mtDNA sequence hypervariable regions I and II showed that the mtDNA diversity within the Finnish population sample was comparable to other European populations and uniformly distributed. This is contrary to the Y-STR "minimal haplotype" diversity, which in Finland is lower than in any of the other European populations studied so far.     

Mitochondrial DNA population data of HVS-I and HVS-II sequences from a northeast German sample

Mitochondrial DNA sequences of the control region's two hypervariable regions HVS-I and HVS-II were determined for 213 unrelated west Eurasian individuals from northeast Germany (Mecklenburg). A total of 174 different mtDNA haplotypes were found, 25 of which were shared by more than 1 individual. The most frequent haplotypes were 263G-309.1C-315.1C, found in seven individuals, 263G-309.1C-309.2C-315.1C, found in six individuals and 263G-315.1C, found in five individuals. These sequences are also the most common haplotypes in other published European data sets. The sequence polymorphisms consisting of 150 polymorphic nucleotide positions were compared with other European databases. The genetic diversity and random match probability were calculated. Our results corroborate certain features which are characteristic for west Eurasian mtDNA population samples.     

Sustainable Colonization: Tar Sands as Resource Colonialism

Canada is one of the world’s largest petrostates, owing to large shale oil deposits, also known as tar sands, which can be found within its borders. In recent decades, as the price of crude oil has increased dramatically, corporations and the Canadian state have worked together to open the oil deposits in Northern Canada for extraction and transportation. Despite a stated commitment to environmental sustainability by the United States and Canadian governments, both have endorsed tar sands extraction and transport. Government and corporate entities have tried to reframe tar sands as “ethical oil,” yet all steps in the process involved pose tremendous ecological, social, economic, and cultural threats to First Nations communities in Canada, landowners in the Midwest and Texas, local ecosystems, and the global climate. This practice is part of a long-standing pattern of appropriating and using public and First Nations land for economic development. We argue that tar sands production on First Nations land is a practice of resource colonialism: the theft and appropriation of land belonging to indigenous people in order to access natural resources. By branding tar sands as “ethical oil” and labeling production companies as “sustainable,” the public and private sectors bound up in the extractive economy claim to provide an essential public service while misdirecting attention away from acts of colonialism that make these resources available. In this article, we examine the ways in which corporate and state entities use the discourse of sustainability as a cover for continued resource colonialism.