首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1111篇
  免费   75篇
各国政治   55篇
工人农民   40篇
世界政治   109篇
外交国际关系   130篇
法律   501篇
中国政治   4篇
政治理论   338篇
综合类   9篇
  2023年   11篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   30篇
  2019年   35篇
  2018年   35篇
  2017年   56篇
  2016年   65篇
  2015年   39篇
  2014年   41篇
  2013年   158篇
  2012年   37篇
  2011年   59篇
  2010年   40篇
  2009年   40篇
  2008年   40篇
  2007年   27篇
  2006年   36篇
  2005年   43篇
  2004年   45篇
  2003年   41篇
  2002年   30篇
  2001年   17篇
  2000年   26篇
  1999年   17篇
  1998年   17篇
  1997年   15篇
  1996年   11篇
  1995年   9篇
  1994年   7篇
  1993年   16篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   16篇
  1990年   14篇
  1989年   10篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   9篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   11篇
  1984年   5篇
  1983年   7篇
  1982年   6篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   6篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   4篇
  1977年   4篇
  1975年   5篇
  1974年   4篇
  1972年   3篇
排序方式: 共有1186条查询结果,搜索用时 368 毫秒
101.
102.
103.
Over the past decade, directional drilling and hydraulic fracturing enabled an unconventional oil and gas extraction (UOGE) boom in many regions of the United States, including parts of Pennsylvania. This revolution has created serious concerns about the capability of existing institutions to govern important societal outcomes associated with UOGE. We present a conceptual framework for assessing key societal outcomes influenced by UOGE governance. In applying this framework to Pennsylvania, we discern certain institutional strengths that have allowed the Commonwealth to reap appreciable short‐term economic growth from rich resource endowments. We also find, however, that several institutional weaknesses have allowed costs externalized to the environment, public health, and community integrity to offset some proportion of those economic benefits. Likewise, we find that governance of UOGE in Pennsylvania has contributed to a bifurcated sociopolitical landscape wherein adversarial coalitions dispute the legitimacy of the industry and its governance.  相似文献   
104.
Important advances in scholarship on the post-emancipation South have made possible a new synthesis that moves beyond broad generalizations about African American agency to identify both the shared elements in black life across the region and the varying capacity of freedpeople to assert their interests in the face of white hostility. Building on a number of recent studies of Reconstruction this article seeks to demonstrate that the varying capacity of freedpeople in South Carolina to shape and defend the new society that would emerge after the end of slavery was rooted in their relative strength at work and in their communities. In Charleston and its lowcountry rural hinterland, demographic strength combined with deeply-rooted traditions of collective assertion to sustain a remarkably vibrant grassroots movement that persisted beyond the overthrow of Reconstruction. From very early on, by contrast, former slaves dispersed across the rural interior found their freedom severely circumscribed by a bellicose and heavily-armed white paramilitary campaign.  相似文献   
105.
106.
In 2007, the Queensland Government imposed forced amalgamation with the number of local authorities falling from 157 to just 73 councils. Amalgamation was based inter alia on the assumption that increased economies of scale would generate savings. This paper empirically examines pre- and post-amalgamation (2006/07 and 2009/10) for scale economies. For the 2006/07 data, evidence of economies of scale was found for councils with populations up to 98,000, and thereafter diseconomies of scale. Eight percent of councils in 2006/07 (ten councils) – representing 64% of the state’s population – exhibited diseconomies of scale. For the 2009/10 data, the average cost curve remained almost stationary at 99,000 residents per council, but almost 25% of all councils (thirteen councils) were now found to exhibit diseconomies of scale. The compulsory merger program thus increased the proportion of Queensland residents in councils operating with diseconomies of scale to 84%.  相似文献   
107.
108.
In late 2007, Australia's relatively liberal citizenship eligibility requirements were modified, ostensibly to improve the value of citizenship by restricting access to it. A key change involved the introduction of a citizenship test. This article tracks its development and implementation. We challenge claims of overwhelming support for the test, explore the discourses around the “Australian values” being tested, and outline the process by which the legislation was enacted (during which a number of principles of parliamentary democracy were compromised). Using evidence from politicians' speeches, we argue the citizenship test served to re‐direct the Australian imagination away from a nascent “multicultural” identity, back to one redolent of the times of the “White Australia Policy”, confidently celebrating connections with an Anglo‐Saxon heritage, the European Enlightenment, and Judeo‐Christian roots. As such it was a key aspect of the 1996–2007 Howard Government's retreat from multiculturalism.  相似文献   
109.
110.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号