全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 1266篇 |
| 免费 | 34篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 108篇 |
| 工人农民 | 31篇 |
| 世界政治 | 137篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 122篇 |
| 法律 | 468篇 |
| 中国政治 | 14篇 |
| 政治理论 | 396篇 |
| 综合类 | 24篇 |
出版年
| 2023年 | 8篇 |
| 2022年 | 9篇 |
| 2021年 | 11篇 |
| 2020年 | 31篇 |
| 2019年 | 26篇 |
| 2018年 | 45篇 |
| 2017年 | 48篇 |
| 2016年 | 45篇 |
| 2015年 | 39篇 |
| 2014年 | 45篇 |
| 2013年 | 189篇 |
| 2012年 | 27篇 |
| 2011年 | 39篇 |
| 2010年 | 29篇 |
| 2009年 | 37篇 |
| 2008年 | 39篇 |
| 2007年 | 57篇 |
| 2006年 | 52篇 |
| 2005年 | 28篇 |
| 2004年 | 33篇 |
| 2003年 | 38篇 |
| 2002年 | 37篇 |
| 2001年 | 26篇 |
| 2000年 | 24篇 |
| 1999年 | 20篇 |
| 1998年 | 23篇 |
| 1997年 | 20篇 |
| 1996年 | 16篇 |
| 1995年 | 17篇 |
| 1994年 | 11篇 |
| 1993年 | 13篇 |
| 1992年 | 24篇 |
| 1991年 | 13篇 |
| 1990年 | 11篇 |
| 1989年 | 9篇 |
| 1986年 | 8篇 |
| 1985年 | 10篇 |
| 1984年 | 13篇 |
| 1983年 | 6篇 |
| 1981年 | 10篇 |
| 1980年 | 10篇 |
| 1979年 | 8篇 |
| 1978年 | 10篇 |
| 1977年 | 8篇 |
| 1974年 | 8篇 |
| 1973年 | 8篇 |
| 1972年 | 6篇 |
| 1969年 | 7篇 |
| 1967年 | 5篇 |
| 1966年 | 6篇 |
排序方式： 共有1300条查询结果，搜索用时 0 毫秒
31.
Increasingly, scholars of legislative politics propose comparative analyses of parliamentary voting behaviour across different countries and parliaments. Yet parliamentary voting procedures differ dramatically across parliamentary chambers and ignoring these differences may, in the extreme, lead to meaningless comparisons. This paper presents a first glimpse at a comprehensive data collection effort covering more than 250 parliamentary chambers in 176 countries. Focusing on European legislatures it assesses what explains the differences in the rules among chambers. It is found that incentives linked to MPs’ visibility contribute to explain the transparency of the adopted voting procedures. 相似文献
32.
After 9/11, the exact perception among young Chinese of terrorism and security is little known to the world. What are their views and how are they formed? Are there any obvious differences in perception between young Chinese in different parts of China? What causes this disparity, if there is any? Are these differences intentionally created by the Chinese party-state top-down, or are they only nurtured in a bottom-up, decentralized manner? Using primary research findings obtained from original quantitative surveys and qualitative analyses, this article attempts to offer an empirical answer to these questions. The article is arranged in three sections. The first provides a review of the literature on the topic and describes the research methodology used. The second offers an analysis of our survey findings on how university students from two different cities, Shanghai and Xi'an, evolve distinctive perceptions about terrorism and security. The third section explains the framework used to analyse our findings, which can be summarized as “the nearer, the more tolerant and the less state-centric” towards terrorist-related topics. A conclusion suggests the possible roles of—and wake-up calls for—the Chinese state and the media in light of these disparate perceptions. 相似文献
33.
34.
This paper focuses on the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in order to theorise the spatialities of post-9/11 security knowledge and practice in the US. It analyses the organisational discourses that animate homeland security work, such as preparedness, vulnerability, the new threat environment, risk analysis and capabilities-based planning, and considers the implications of these practices for contemporary geographies of security. It is argued that DHS operates through a virtual ontology of threat, whereby potential, future threats are addressed as present possibilities that emerge in the spaces of everyday life. The sources of American freedoms and insecurities, the everyday, emerging circulations of goods and people, present DHS with a terrain of shifting threats from which both emergencies and preparedness may materialise. Disaster looming, the potential suspension of everyday life forms the basis for security practice as the emergency becomes a fact of life itself. The spatialities of this environment of imminent threat are considered and it is argued that the everyday emergency operates topologically as a continuous process of spatialisation. 相似文献
35.
Thomas Simon 《Citizenship Studies》2013,17(3-4):505-524
The focus of this article is on citizenship in its juridical sense. Other theorists, especially communitarians and civic republicans, have attempted to expand the idea of citizenship to include a social/political sense; they advocate expanding citizenship beyond its juridical confines to include civic participation as one of the hallmarks of citizenship. A new stage of expansion has begun; it is represented by those who want to make citizenship more multiple and flexible, to see citizenship in a more ethical/normative sense. These expansionist approaches do not jettison the juridical sense of citizenship. In fact, they build upon it. Therefore, these conceptions of citizenship become problematic to the extent that the juridical building block becomes problematic. Thus, the first task is to problematize this juridical sense of citizenship. This article explores a different critical path than the ones typically taken. It pushes the envelope by thinking about citizenship as a weapon. While more exposés of administrative and political abuses involving citizenship claims and issues are needed, this analysis unearths deeper, more fundamental problems with the concept of citizenship. Minimally, it pushes the debate beyond how inclusive or expansive citizenship should be made. It calls for a radical reappraisal of citizenship by recognizing citizenship as a weapon. 相似文献
36.
This article argues that regional integration can follow three different developmental paths, depending on the centrality of external economic actors and economic asymmetries in regional trade networks. The first path causes intra‐regional interdependence, the second path reinforces dependence on extra‐regional actors, and the third path reinforces asymmetries in the region. The article illustrates this argument using diachronic network visualization of trade networks in three world regions. The European Union (EU) corresponds to the first path, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the second and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to the third. The theoretical argument and empirical analysis in the article demonstrate how regional organizations get locked into these developmental paths, and how regional integration reinforces rather than changes existing economic structures. 相似文献
37.
Territorial reforms have been on the political agenda in Italy for the last two decades, becoming a stable issue of party competition. The breakthrough of Lega Nord (LN) in the party system has represented the main driver for federal reforms. The article argues that the bipolar and majoritarian institutional environment of the Second Republic has compelled the main state-wide parties to adopt an electoral logic that led them to accommodate the LN’s claims. However, the ideological orientations and the territorial interests of centre-left coalition proved more compatible with this accommodative strategy than those of the centre-right coalition. The majoritarian and adversarial style of government–opposition relations has made compromise on territorial reforms difficult, contributing to their rising salience in party competition. 相似文献
38.
Walsh SJ 《Forensic science international》2005,155(1):51-60
A forensic biologist is usually involved in the criminal justice system process somewhere between the police and the legal system, interacting in a practical context regularly and extensively with both. Forensic DNA research and development commonly involves initiatives that encroach into the neighbouring domains of the law enforcement or legal agencies. Despite this level of association, establishing meaningful cross-disciplinary communication and understanding within the justice system remains a challenge. As an example, there is an abundance of literature relating to forensic DNA profiling in legal and criminological periodicals. Such journals are perhaps outside the regular reading of forensic scientists and much of the legal discussion appears to go unnoticed. This situation is understandable; however, it is also undesirable particularly as forensic DNA developments are intertwined with significant changes in legislation and contentious issues of privacy, civil liberty and social justice. This paper attempts to address this shortcoming directly by summarising - from the viewpoint of a forensic scientist - some of the discussion in the legal literature. In particular the review focuses on discussion raising ideological and ethical concerns. Awareness of these views is of relevance to forensic science. It assists us to accurately place DNA evidence into context and to develop its role in achieving the broader criminal justice system objectives. Understanding the discussion also provides a way to enter the debate and communicate at an appropriate level the true potential of DNA to the legal community. 相似文献
39.
Fred Monardi 《Politics & Policy》2003,31(2):232-250
The study of “divided government” has focused on the split partisan control of executive and legislative branches. The concept of divided government can also be applied to the study of state executive branches. There is no plausible reason for state electorates to prefer one party for governor and the opposing party for other state executive branch officials, yet many states have a governor of one party, while several of the state executive branch officers are of the opposing party. This study examines the extent of divided executive branches in state politics. Incumbency, state partisanship, and the changing nature of Southern politics affect levels of divisiveness in state executive branches. Electoral features do not affect levels of divisiveness. The data comprises states that have separately elected state executive officers between the years 1968 and 1993. 相似文献
40.