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101.
AIM:To investigate possible differences in dendritic cells(DC)within intestinal tissue of mice before and after induction of colitis. METHODS:Mucosal DC derived from intestinal tissue,as well as from mesenteric lymph nodes and spleen,were analyzed by fluorescence activated cell sorting(FACS) analysis.Supernatants of these cells were analyzed for secretion of different pro-and anti-inflammatory cytokines. Immunohistochemistry and immunofluorescence were performed on cryosections of mucosal tissue derived fro...  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

Afghanistan has come to be seen as emblematic of the security threats besetting peace and security operations, and in this article we consider the response to such threats via the ‘bunkering’ of international staff. Drawing on an in-depth qualitative survey with aid and peacebuilding officials in Kabul, we illustrate how seemingly mundane risk management procedures have negative consequences for intervening institutions; for the relation between interveners and national actors; and for the purpose of intervention itself. Bunkering, we argue, is deeply political – ‘imprisoning’ staff behind ramparts while generating an illusion of presence and control for ill-conceived modes of international intervention.  相似文献   
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The major aim of this article is to examine how migrations affect private governance, taking as a case study the Prud'homie de pêche, a private order that has governed the fishery of Marseille for the past six centuries. Scholarship generally argues that social norms guarantee the efficiency of private orders and their ability to resist the arrival of newcomers. My data suggest that the Prud'homie has failed to accommodate social changes prompted by migratory flows, not despite but because of its social norms. This paper suggests that social norms are not only powerful tools of governance for private orders, but also forces of inertia that can prevent these orders from accommodating social changes.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

In view of the multitude of challenges urban public administration is struggling with, more and more cities are turning towards smart solutions using information and communication technology. Such Smart City approaches revert to data provided in the urban space by sensors, by citizens or by the archives of the authorities aiming at providing public services that increase the quality of life for citizens, optimize mobility within the city or enhance flexibility and responsiveness of public authorities. This article identifies such SC approaches as well as their basic technical requirements for the cities of Vienna, Singapore, and San Francisco and, by compiling the public service portfolios of these cities, creates an integrative, strategic overview of a SC’s range of services. This approach thus helps to create a scientific basis for the evaluation of SC services and to provide a strategic modular toolkit for public managers to plan and design SCs.  相似文献   
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We advance the debate about the impact of political disagreement in social networks on electoral participation by addressing issues of causal inference common in network studies, focusing on voters' most important context of interpersonal influence: the household. We leverage a randomly assigned spillover experiment conducted in the United Kingdom, combined with a detailed database of pretreatment party preferences and public turnout records, to identify social influence within heterogeneous and homogeneous partisan households. Our results show that intrahousehold mobilization effects are larger as a result of campaign contact in heterogeneous than in homogeneous partisan households, and larger still when the partisan intensity of the message is exogenously increased, suggesting discussion rather than behavioral contagion as a mechanism. Our results qualify findings from influential observational studies and suggest that within intimate social networks, negative correlations between political heterogeneity and electoral participation are unlikely to result from political disagreement.  相似文献   
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Wealthy countries spend increasing amounts of aid to support adaptation to climate change in developing countries and have committed under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change to prioritize adaptation aid to those “particularly vulnerable” to climate change. While research has started to track this aid, it has not yet examined its allocation across all donor and recipient countries. We thus do not know to what extent vulnerable countries indeed receive more support for adaptation. We address this research gap and ask: how does this commitment to prioritizing particularly vulnerable countries translate into actual adaptation aid allocation? To what extent do vulnerable countries receive more adaptation aid? We address these questions though a quantitative analysis of data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development on bilateral adaptation aid from 2011 through 2014. In contrast to other studies, we find that vulnerability—or more precisely, vulnerability indicators—matter for adaptation aid allocation. Countries that are more exposed to climate change risks, such as extreme weather events or sea level rise, receive more adaptation aid, both on a per capita basis and as a percentage of all adaptation aid. These results indicate that collectively (even if not at the level of each individual donor) donors align their bilateral adaptation aid allocation with global promises.  相似文献   
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