Vulnerability and resilience: critical reflexivity in gendered violence research

South Asian women are a focus area for organisations such as the UN, World Bank and WHO, where violence against women severely constrains policy instruments such as the Millennium Development Goals. The field researcher is often invisible in research space, which informs policy in practice. Through critical reflexivity we rupture the silence on researcher vulnerability, foregrounding researcher resilience as the ethical compass in the research space of gendered violence. Through narratives of researchers as development actors in the river of corrosiveness involved in acid violence research, we offer a typology for researcher resilience for consideration in research designs for policy development.     

Caste,Class and Peasant Agency in Subaltern Studies Discourse: Revisionist Historiography,Elite Ideology

On the basis of empirical evidence from the princely states of Rajasthan, it is argued here that Subaltern Studies discourse about peasants and peasant movements in colonial India is seriously flawed, mainly due to its symptomatic underestimation of the significance of land relations. A close scrutiny of its epistemological assumptions reveals that Subaltern Studies is elite (Brahmanical-bourgeois) ideology and revisionist historiography (anticipated by contemporary conservative historians of the French Revolution). Its claim to reconcile epistemologically irreconciliable positions is intellectually unsustainable.     

The United States Congress and nuclear war powers: explaining legislative nonfeasance

Scholarly debate over the role of the United States Congress in approving military action has focused on the respective war powers granted the executive and legislature by the United States Constitution. Although a voluminous literature has examined the institutional and partisan politics shaping their exercise, a conspicuous lacuna concerns nuclear war powers. Despite periodic but mostly ineffective reassertions of congressional prerogatives over war, the decision to employ nuclear weapons has been left entirely to presidential discretion since 1945. Explaining this consistent refusal by Congress to rein in the ultimate presidential power and exercise co-responsibility for the most devastating form of war relies less on disputatious constitutional grounds than on three arguments about congressional dysfunctionality, legislative irresponsibility, and the relative costs of collective action by federal lawmakers on perilous national security questions.     

Learning and Behavioural Spillovers of Nutritional Information

This paper provides evidence for informational spillovers within urban slums in Chandigarh, India. I identify three groups, a treatment group, a neighbouring spillover group, and a non-adjacent pure control group. Mothers of children (aged three to six years) enrolled in government day-care centres are given recipe books in the treatment group to reduce malnutrition in their children. Spillovers to neighbouring (untreated) mothers can be through social learning or imitation. Results from a difference-in-differences analysis show that nutritional knowledge measured through a quiz increases among neighbouring untreated mothers relative to a control group. Neighbouring mothers exhibit learning spillovers, changes in dietary behaviour and a reduction in food expenditure regardless of their level of literacy. Spillovers not only raise the cost effectiveness of health information programmes but are important to consider when designing an experiment as causal effects of treatments can be attenuated if the spillover group is used as a control group.     

Changing trends in acute poisoning in Chandigarh zone: a 25-year autopsy experience from a tertiary care hospital in northern India.

A 25-year autopsy study (1972-1997) of acute poisoning deaths from a tertiary care hospital in northern India (Postgraduate Institute of Medical Education and Research, Chandigarh) revealed a steep increase in the incidence of acute poisoning since 1987. The majority (68%) of subjects were between the ages of 14 and 30 years, and there was a male preponderance (69%). The main victims were students and unemployed youths, followed by agricultural workers and domestic workers. The proportion of urban victims increased from 45% in the period from 1972 to 1977 to 72% in the period from 1992 to 1997. The proportion of suicidal deaths increased from 34% in the period from 1972 to 1977 to 77% in the period from 1992 to 1997, whereas accidental deaths decreased from 63% to 17% in the same period. Barbiturates (37%) and copper sulfate (22%) were the most common poisons causing mortality between 1972 and 1977; organophosphates (46%) became the most common between 1977 and 1982. Since 1982, aluminum phosphide (65%) has been the most common poison.     

Sino‐Indian ties: Moving beyond confidence‐building measures

Recently, President Jiang Zemin became the first Chinese head‐of‐state ever to visit the Indian subcontinent. This marks the completion of the first phase of evolving confidence‐building measures (CBMs) thus carrying the Sino‐Indian rapprochement forward to the next stage of concrete decisions. Given that the two sides have an interest in maintaining peaceful relations and have since been co‐ordinating their joint strategies in various multilateral forums, there seems no reason why they should not be able to resolve their problems across the table. However, their border dispute still unfortunately remains the greatest impediment to progress in Sino‐Indian ties. To start with, the two sides can initiate actions towards defining and demarcating the Line of Actual Control (LoAC) in the middle sector leading the way towards resolving the undoubtedly complex Sino‐Indian boundary question.     

How to Tame Your Dragon: An Evaluation of India's Foreign Policy Toward China

In the past 60 years, India-China relations have oscillated between friendship, hostility and indifference. In recent times, both countries have started competing for global economic gains and political status. In light of these events, the objective of this article is to analyze various strategies used by China against India, and India's policy response to these strategies. The article evaluates the process of foreign policy decision making in India, and traces the historical evolution of India's foreign policy towards China. It then deconstructs China's foreign policy towards India, and provides the rationale behind its strategies. The article suggests that after initial engagement with India on the question of boundary disputes, Chinese foreign policy has undergone a dramatic shift since 2007. It specifically evaluates the twin Chinese tactics of military incursions and denial of legitimacy to the Indian territories of Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. Based on an analysis of China's previous boundary disputes resolution record with neighbors, these tactics are identified as an extension of China's new strategy for resolving such disputes. The article concludes by suggesting various policy options available to India to counter China's new strategy on the Sino-Indian border.