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71.
Since 2009 the USA and the Bolivian government have been trying to fix their broken diplomatic relations. These negotiations culminated in 2011 in the signing of a bilateral agreement but, ultimately, failed to establish a basis for mutually acceptable development aid relations. This article analyses these negotiations and suggests a partial explanation that accounts for their dynamics and results. Specifically it shows how the negotiations have pitted Bolivian demands for state sovereignty and mutual respect, based on an egalitarian understanding of inter-state relations, against the US emphasis on common obligations and universal rights, informed by a non-egalitarian notion of liberal hegemony.  相似文献   
72.
ABSTRACT

Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) – also known as Voting Engagement Applications – are online tools which inform users about their proximity to party positions before elections by indicating which parties are closest to the policy preferences of the individual voters. Referring to the theory of cognitive dissonance, this article examines the impact of using a VAA on voting behaviour by looking at the effect mechanisms. For the empirical analyses, we draw on data of a two-wave panel study we conducted before the European Elections 2014, thereby focusing on the German VAA – the Wahl-O-Mat. The findings show that irritation emerges if the preferred party is not positioned at the top of the VAA result list. In turn, a strong irritation can lead to a change in vote choice.  相似文献   
73.
The main topic of this article is the regulation and the construction of insider trading as crime. Trading on inside information is not something new, but the dramatization and the attempt to regulate these acts by penal law are of quite recent date. This article tries to examine the simple question of why there has been such activity in this field the last 20–30 years and the goals of this regulation. The article points out the need for building trust in the financial markets, even if it might be illusory, especially when these markets have been opened for the money of ‘ordinary citizens’. It also stresses the importance of creating a ‘moral map’ in order to establish clearer lines between right and wrong in the rather blurry world of financial markets.  相似文献   
74.
Among theories dealing with welfare state policy development, theories of social dilemmas and of key actor-group influence over government policy formation are increasingly holding sway. These theories emphasise that few would risk being unilateral contributors to the systems without any compensating elements. Thus, selective, means-testing systems or stingy universal systems in which some citizens 'contribute' while others 'receive' may risk being regarded as unfair in the eyes of the contributors in spite of the redistributive intentions. The degree of welfare state programme 'fairness' and reciprocity would, then, explain the degree of support for the welfare state. However, by using data from the United Kingdom and Sweden, this article will, first, claim that the social dilemma research turns a blind eye to the fact that public opinion in general as well as key groups appears to be able to yield its support even when welfare states contain distinctly selective elements and low-compensation universal programmes. Second, the article will elaborate on the confusion surrounding welfare state taxonomies as one plausible reason for why social dilemma theories may risk missing the target. Finally, the article will elaborate on the future of the welfare state as we know it. The main points are that given the fact that the welfare states in the two countries really already are conglomerates of different types of welfare programmes and, given a weak relationship between key groups and policy formation, the most likely future for the welfare state is that policies will continue to follow mixed paths.  相似文献   
75.
Contracting out has become an accepted and, indeed, universal method of providing services in both the private and public sectors. Yet rarely has a municipality outsourced just about every service under its direct control—from public safety (police and fire), to solid waste collection and disposal, to parks maintenance, to municipal engineering and legal services. Weston, Florida, a city of some 62,000 residents, operates with just three employees—the city manager and two assistants. Hence the primary role of city manager has changed as well, from day-to-day administrator to contract manager and monitor. This essay describes the contracting operations in Weston and evaluates their efficiency and effectiveness.  相似文献   
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78.
The significance of minerals to states dates far back into history. They were primarily strategically important to equip the military. This is still the case, but over the last century, minerals have taken up a new and larger role for ensuring national security. World War II was attributed with Europe's mercantilist rule which was strongly based on the realist ideology. After World War II, classical liberal theory presented the means to reduce armed conflicts by increasing economic inter-dependencies among nations and became the foundation of a new economic order with economic liberalization at its heart. Simultaneously, economic security gained growing importance relative to military security, and the definition and scope of critical minerals also reached new dimensions. Over the last few decades, economic liberalization has given way to new players gaining position in global markets. Their increased demand together with the already vast demands of industrialized nations has increased competition in securing critical minerals necessary for economic growth. Not only has economic liberalization led to a free trade, but also to the deregulation of the financial market. This in turn has given way to more flexible financing methods in the minerals industry and inaugurated the consolidation of large firms. This paper explains the significance of non-oil minerals and discusses how economic liberalization has affected the demand and supply of minerals. It would go on to highlight emerging economies, especially China, and examine if liberalization holds in the race for mineral resources or if it will gradually crumple under the strain of securing them.  相似文献   
79.
Issue ownership means that some parties are considered by the public at large as being more able to deal with, or more attentive to, certain issues. The theory has been used to explain both party behaviour – parties are expected to focus on owned issues – and voter behaviour – when a voter considers a party to own an issue, this affects the odds of voting for that party. The purpose of this article is, first, to provide a look backward at the existing research through a literature review of the studies that were conducted in the past decade-and-a-half. Secondly, it takes stock of the current conceptualisation and argues that issue ownership is a multidimensional concept. Thereafter the article discusses how this multidimensionality affects both the role of issue ownership in voter and in party behaviour. Finally, the article outlines a number of shortcomings of the extant literature and discusses potential avenues for future research.  相似文献   
80.
How did the three Nordic European Union member states approach their periods as holders of the European Union (EU) Council Presidency? Two radically different predictions about the impact of the Presidency on member state behaviour can be found in the literature. Some maintain that the position functions as an amplifier, strengthening the already existing tendency to propagate national concerns. Others argue that the Presidency functions as a silencer, subordinating national material interests to the benefit of common European concerns. In this article we analyse the ways in which Finland, Sweden and Denmark actually performed the Presidency role. Which of the competing interpretations is most appropriate? Was the Presidency role performed differently by the three countries? Our main finding is that the Presidency generally functioned as an amplifier during the Nordic presidencies. There are, however, interesting differences between the three states, Denmark being the least constrained in using the Presidency to further national interests whereas Finland was most anxious not to violate norms of impartiality and neutrality, even in cases where such behaviour ran contrary to national interests.  相似文献   
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