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31.
This study describes in detail the results of a laboratory investigation where the compressive strength of 150mm side-length cubes was evaluated. Non-destructive testing (NDT) was carried out using ultrasonic pulse velocity (UPV) and impact rebound hammer (IRH) techniques to establish a correlation with the compressive strengths of compression tests. To adapt the Schmidt hammer apparatus and the ultrasonic pulse velocity tester to the type of concrete used in Algeria, concrete mix proportions that are recommended by the Algerian code were chosen. The resulting correlation curve for each test is obtained by changing the level of compaction, water/cement ratio and concrete age of specimens. Unlike other works, the research highlights the significant effect of formwork material on surface hardness of concrete where two different mould materials for specimens were used (plastic and wood). A combined method for the above two tests, reveals an improvement in the strength estimation of concrete. The latter shows more improvement by including the concrete density. The resulting calibration curves for strength estimation were compared with others from previous published literature.  相似文献   
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In Algeria, large quantities of hashish are seized every year. This study aimed to investigate the total content of major cannabinoids in the illicit seized hashish in Algeria over an 8-year period (2011–2018) in order to establish the chemical profile of North African hashish. A total of 3265 hashish samples were analyzed using a validated high-performance liquid chromatography–diode array detection (HPLC-DAD) method, allowing the simultaneous quantification of both the acidic and the neutral forms of Δ9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), cannabidiol (CBD), and cannabinol (CBN). The results revealed a slight upward trend in the mean THC content, from 7.0% in 2011 to 9.4% in 2018, with an overall mean value of 8.4%. The overall means of CBD and CBN content were 3.5% and 0.8%, respectively. The number of high-potency hashish samples gradually increased to reach 6% in 2018. Two distinct hashish chemotypes were identified: the highly populated chemotype II, corresponding to the traditional medium-potency hashish ([THC + CBN]/CBD ~ 2.16), and chemotype I, containing hashish samples of relatively high THC levels and low levels of CBD (ratio ~ 4.90). Both chemotypes I and II were characterized in the ternary plot, and the proportions (THC:CBD:CBN) were about 85%:13%:2% and 60%:35%:5%, respectively.  相似文献   
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Sommaire: Dans cet article, I'auteur a examiné sur une pé riode de cinq ans, de 1979 à 1984, les facteurs qui semblent avoir affecté la mise en oeuvre du plan de gestion de la Commission royale sur la gestion financière et I'imputabilité. Il conclut que la mise en oeuvre du plan en question a é té affecté e par des variables organisation- nelles et politiques. Pour ce qui est des variables organisationnelles, nous retrouvons I'incompatibilité du plan de gestion de la Commission avec la straté gic anté rieure de gestion du Cabinet, les rapports de force entre les organismes centraux et les ministères et organismes, la fragmentation du processus dé cisionnel et les changements apportés à la gestion gouvernementale entre 1976 et 1979. Les pré fé rences des principaux acteurs, la responsabilité collective du Cabinet, la responsabilité ministé rielle, le rôe et les traditions parlementaires constituent les obstacles politiques les plus importants. Abstract: In this article, the author examines over a five-year period, from 1979 to 1984, the factors that appear to have affected the implementation of the management plan of the Royal Commission on Financial Management and Accountability. His conclusion is that the implementation of that plan was affected by organizational and political variables. Among the organizational variables, there is the incompatibility between the commission's management plan and the previous management strategy of the cabinet, the relative strength of the central agencies and the departments and organizations, the fragmentation of the decision-making process, and the changes in government management between 1976 and 1979. The preferences of the main parties involved, the collective responsibility of the cabinet, ministerial responsibility, as well as parliamentary roles and traditions, are the major political impediments.  相似文献   
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Cybercrimes are increasing in Malaysia. According to a report the crimes jumped by 88 per cent in 2011 with 15,218 cases compared with 8090 in 2010. This report has caused a lot of concern from the Government and the public. At a glance, these crimes are like ‘diseases’ spreading throughout the country and causing damage to people, the economy and the country. Although various efforts have been taken and some are still ongoing, total prevention of cybercrime is very difficult. Combating the threat is very challenging since Malaysia is still lacking in many of the tools required including manpower and technology. But the efforts will continue. This paper discusses some of the efforts taken by the Government and other organisations to deal with these problems followed by an analysis on the application of cyberlaws and how these measures work together with the traditional law in tackling cybercrime cases.  相似文献   
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Using polyarchy as an analytical frame of reference in combination with other democracy performance evaluation methods, this article offers a longitudinal analysis interrogating the democratic credentials of African decolonization and second liberation movement governments. Characteristically, upon victory and rise to power, some liberation movement governments failed to implement the democratic values that kindled their struggle. One subsequent result of this anomaly is the emergence of ‘movement governments' caught between internal and external pressures to democratize and the movements' desire to maintain their grip on power and the control of the personnel and resources of government at any cost. The article attempts to explain these tendencies against the backdrop of structural factors both internal and external to the African state, culminating in democratic deficits in both decolonization and second liberation movement governments.  相似文献   
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Many introductory community psychology courses do not incorporate community-based learning (CBL), and when they do, it is most often in the form of individualized volunteer hours. We present an alternative model for CBL in which the entire class collaborates on an experiential project that promotes community action. We believe that such an approach better embodies the values and methods of the discipline and has a more powerful impact on the students and stakeholders. It may be especially effective in developing countries that do not have an established network of service infrastructures; in such nations the onus is on the teachers and learners of community psychology to contribute to transformative change. In this article practical guidelines are provided by the instructor regarding how to structure and implement this CBL model. Additionally, two students describe how the CBL experience solidified their learning of course concepts and significantly impacted them personally.  相似文献   
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Saudi Arabia is a crucially important media player in the Middle East, commanding modern, sophisticated and far-reaching media systems. Driving the Saudi media hegemony is what may be loosely termed ‘a security imperative’ which is tightly connected to internal dynamics, geopolitical considerations and regional rivalries. Empowered with its oil wealth, Saudi Arabia pursued a dual media strategy, operating state-controlled and circumscribed domestic media systems which insulate the population from undesired external influences and uphold the religious sensibility of the kingdom while developing decentralized, open and modern transnational media systems abroad capable of safeguarding the kingdom's interests and promoting its foreign policy. Instrumental as it may be in the kingdom's comprehensive security approach, though, the media have proven to be an inordinately complex asset. Although remarkable in many respects, the liberalization of Saudi media engendered a number of conflictual dynamics which are potentially consequential.  相似文献   
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