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Chris Bevan 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2013,35(1):43-54
The Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 (LASPO) comes into force in April 2013 and is widely expected to lead to an increase in the number of self-representing litigants (SRLs) in the family courts. Taking a practitioner focus, this article considers the negative impact of this increase and considers possible measures for combating the practical pitfalls such a growth in SRLs presents. 相似文献
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The controversy over UK membership of the European Union shows no sign of abating, even though 20 years have passed since the unprecedented referendum which was supposed to settle the issue. The political and constitutional implications of UK membership are such that growing scholarly interest in the subject is quite understandable. One aspect of the question which awaits proper investigation, however, is the quality of public debate. This neglect is surprising, given regular opinion‐poll findings that the UK electorate feels ill‐informed about Europe and looks to its politicians to remedy the deficiency. This study, which uses both qualitative and quantitative methods to analyse five key parliamentary discussions of the European issue, reveals a marked deterioration in the factual accuracy of contributions by MPs. It offers some possible explanations of this trend, and suggests how this kind of research might be developed further. 相似文献
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Philippa Levine 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》2000,65(1):5-21
In what Arjun Appadurai has dubbed the ‘colonial imaginary’ issues of femininity, and who possessed it, were of prime importance. An orientalizing sociology sought to distinguish, and indeed to fix, differences between metropolitan and indigenous women as a rhetoric of hierarchy which secured proper and western femininity to white women. One critical route which colonial commentators and authorities took to produce that knowledge was to measure women's proximity to the practice of prostitution, a means which permitted discussion and judgement of racialized sexualities as well as of proper models of feminine behaviour. This article will explore the ways in which the new sociology of the Victorian period, wielded in a colonial context, served to separate women through race-based ideas of sexual behaviour and sexual order. It will deal with British India in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 相似文献
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Philippa Levine 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》1988,3(6):129-136
Olive Banks, Becoming a Feminist. The Social Origins of ‘First Wave’ Feminism (Wheatsheaf) Brighton, 1986; Barbara Caine, Destined To Be Wives. The Sisters of Beatrice Webb (Clarendon) Oxford, 1986; Sandra Stanley Holton, Feminism and Democracy. Women's Suffrage and Reform Politics in Britain, 1900–1918 (Cambridge University Press) New York, 1986; Pat Jalland, Women, Marriage and Politics 1860–1914 (Clarendon) Oxford, 1986; Sylvia Walby, Patriarchy at Work. Patriarchal and Capitalist Relations in Employment (Polity) Cambridge, 1986. 相似文献
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Bevan Sewell 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2-3):269-290
Assessments of the CIA's role in Latin America during the 1950s have tended to focus predominantly on the twin case studies of Guatemala and Cuba. Consequently, the Agency's role – and, more broadly, that of its head Allen Dulles – has come to be seen as one obsessed with covert action and relatively unimportant in terms of policy discussions. Dulles, in fact, has been portrayed as an unwilling and disinterested participant in policy discussions. The present article will challenge those assertions by suggesting that, by examining Dulles's role in the Eisenhower administration's discussions on Latin America, a different picture emerges – one that paints Dulles as an active and rational participant, and which raises important questions for our understanding of the CIA's role during the Eisenhower era. 相似文献
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Bevan Sewell 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2017,28(4):619-645
This analysis uses the case of the 1956 American presidential election between Adlai Stevenson and Dwight Eisenhower to highlight the ways that an obsession with foreign relations could prove problematic to a campaign. Focusing primarily on Stevenson’s advisors, long-standing problems in the Democrats’ strategy on foreign relations, coupled with the emotional attachments that several key advisors had to the issue, combined to ensure that the Democrats failed to develop an effective foreign policy platform—particularly when running against a president believed to be so successful in that arena. Ultimately, it argues that the Stevenson campaign’s failure to forge an effective position highlights the problematic relationship between domestic policies and foreign relations. 相似文献