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排序方式: 共有119条查询结果,搜索用时 78 毫秒
21.
Shane P. Singh 《European Journal of Political Research》2014,53(2):308-327
It is well known that individuals who voted for the winning party in an election tend to be more satisfied with democracy than those who did not. However, many winners deviate from their first choice when voting. It is argued in this article that the mechanisms that engender satisfaction operate less forcefully among such winners, thereby lessening the impact of victory on satisfaction. Results show that the gap in satisfaction over electoral losers among these ‘non‐optimal winners’ is, in fact, much smaller than that of ‘optimal winners’, who voted in line with their expressed preferences. A win matters more for those who have a bigger stake in victory. The article further explores how the effect of optimal victory on satisfaction varies across electoral systems. 相似文献
22.
The current research examined the role of defendant and participant sex, presence or absence of expert testimony of the “battered
person syndrome”, and sexual orientation of the defendant on perceptions of guilt in a self-defense case. The role of sexism
in judgments of culpability was also examined. A sample of 442 participants read a self-defense case scenario and responded
to questions pertaining to verdict, defendant culpability, legal element ratings, and sexist attitudes. Results revealed a
four-way interaction, showing female participants prescribed the lowest guilt ratings to heterosexual female and homosexual
male defendants who received expert testimony of the battered person syndrome. When heterosexual male defendants received
expert testimony, ratings of guilt significantly increased. A multiple regression was conducted to determine whether legal
and extra-legal factors predicted defendant culpability. Sexist attitudes (benevolent sexism towards men and women) and certain
legal elements were predictive of defendant culpability. Limitations and implications are discussed.
Study findings were presented in a poster at the annual meeting of the American Psychology-Law Society (APLS), Jacksonville,
Florida (March, 2008). 相似文献
23.
Shane Mac Giollabhui 《Democratization》2018,25(6):978-995
ABSTRACTThis article develops a theory – rooted in the experience of the African National Congress in South Africa – to explain how, and why, a dominant political party is less likely to conduct orderly elections to select its political leadership. First, I demonstrate that canny party leaders – operating in the space between a divided society and a weak state – make an ideological turn to a “congress-like” political party, which is clever (in the short term) because it provides party leaders with an in-built electoral majority. It is, however, also a dangerous manoeuvre because it essentially endogenizes social competition for state resources inside the dominant party. This displacement of social competition away from the public sphere towards the partisan organization increases the likelihood of disorderly competition for party candidacies. Second, I demonstrate how this competition need not necessarily become the basis of violent competition inside the dominant party. The party leadership can use intra-party elections to stabilize competition, but only if the party invests in an organization that applies impartially the rules that govern the election. 相似文献
24.
This article reviews maltreatment-related pediatric posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) neuroimaging and neuropsychology research. Existent interventions that target brain networks associated with PTSD and cognitive impairment are highlighted. Furthermore, the benefits of combining neuroimaging and neuropsychology research in treatment outcomes are discussed. To conduct this review, a literature search was done utilizing the words MRI, structural, functional, neuropsychological testing, children, maltreatment, treatment, and PTSD. This was supplemented with a direct search of developmental trauma experts. Results from the neuroimaging studies found differences in the total cerebral volume, prefrontal cortex, hippocampus, cerebellum, superior temporal gyrus, corpus callosum, and other regions in maltreatment-related childhood PTSD. Neuropsychological findings demonstrate deficits in memory, attention, learning, and executive function that correspond to these brain regions. Existent and novel psychotherapeutic interventions address these deficits. These interventions may be directed at key networks associated with cognitive processing. Future directions include the implementation of treatment outcome research integrating psychotherapy with putative biological and psychological markers. 相似文献
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All cases of fatal oxycodone toxicity presenting to the New South Wales Department of Forensic Medicine over the period January 1, 1999, to December 31, 2008, were retrieved. A total of 70 cases were identified. The mean age was 48.9 years, 58.6% were men, 21.4% were suicides, and in 30% oxycodone had not been prescribed to the decedent. Injecting drug users constituted 27.1% of cases, and oxycodone tablets were injected immediately prior to death by 21.4%. The mean blood oxycodone concentration was 0.40 mg/L (range 0.06-53.00 mg/L). In all cases, psychoactive substances other than oxycodone were also detected, most frequently hypnosedatives (68.6%), other opioids (54.3%), antidepressants (41.4%), and alcohol (32.9%). Preexisting systemic disease was common: cardiovascular (64.2%), pulmonary (49.3%), hepatic (66.7%), and renal (43.9%). 相似文献
29.
In a recent contribution to Political Behavior (30:455–467), Panagopoulos, using aggregate turnout data, shows that individuals living under compulsory voting rules are
most likely to go to the polls when penalties for abstaining are both strict and routinely enforced. In this project, I expand
on the work of Panagopoulos by simultaneously examining both election-level and individual-level factors. I use a broad sample
of 36 countries, some with compulsory voting and some with voluntary rules, which provides a more detailed understanding of
the correlates of turnout. Results indicate that the presence and severity of compulsory rules do indeed affect turnout, while
personally held characteristics, including age, education, income, and political efficacy remain critical to an individual’s
turnout decision calculus. 相似文献
30.
Kate J. Bowers Shane D. Johnson Rob T. Guerette Lucia Summers Suzanne Poynton 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2011,7(4):347-374