首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   383篇
  免费   10篇
各国政治   38篇
工人农民   22篇
世界政治   37篇
外交国际关系   15篇
法律   162篇
中国政治   5篇
政治理论   102篇
综合类   12篇
  2020年   2篇
  2019年   10篇
  2018年   7篇
  2017年   17篇
  2016年   13篇
  2015年   17篇
  2014年   10篇
  2013年   50篇
  2012年   4篇
  2011年   7篇
  2010年   5篇
  2009年   12篇
  2008年   9篇
  2007年   14篇
  2006年   13篇
  2005年   11篇
  2004年   11篇
  2003年   13篇
  2002年   9篇
  2001年   14篇
  2000年   9篇
  1999年   8篇
  1998年   4篇
  1997年   5篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   4篇
  1993年   7篇
  1992年   4篇
  1991年   4篇
  1990年   8篇
  1989年   3篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   5篇
  1986年   6篇
  1985年   5篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   4篇
  1982年   6篇
  1981年   7篇
  1980年   2篇
  1978年   3篇
  1975年   3篇
  1974年   5篇
  1973年   7篇
  1972年   2篇
  1970年   4篇
  1969年   4篇
  1968年   3篇
  1965年   2篇
排序方式: 共有393条查询结果,搜索用时 328 毫秒
11.
Public Choice - We investigate the role of issues in the 1993 Norwegian election. We are interested in comparing two spatial models of issue evaluation, the directional model and the familiar...  相似文献   
12.
13.
Selectively using Tocqueville, many social scientists suggest that civic participation increases democracy. We go beyond this neo-Tocquevillian model in three ways. First, to capture broader political and economic transformations, we consider different types of participation; results change if we analyze separate participation arenas. Some are declining, but a dramatic finding is the rise of arts and culture. Second, to assess impacts of participation, we study more dimensions of democratic politics, including distinct norms of citizenship and their associated political repertoires. Third, by analyzing global International Social Survey Programme and World Values Survey data, we identify dramatic subcultural differences: the Tocquevillian model is positive, negative, or zero in different subcultures and contexts that we explicate.  相似文献   
14.
Internal locus of control is associated with academic success and indicators of wellbeing in youth. There is however less understanding regarding the role of locus of control in shaping the transition from school to work beyond the more widely studied predictors of socioeconomic background and academic attainment. Guided by a socio-ecological model of agency, the current study examines to which extent internal locus of control, understood as an indicator of individual agency, can compensate for a lack of socioeconomic resources by moderating the association between parental disadvantage and difficulties in the transition from school to work. We draw on data collected from a longitudinal nationally representative cohort of 15,770 English youth (48% female) born in 1989/90, following their lives from age 14 to 20. The results suggest that the influence of agency is limited to situations where socioeconomic risk is not overpowering. While internal locus of control may help to compensate for background disadvantage regarding avoidance of economic inactivity and unemployment to some extent, it does not provide protection against long-term inactivity, i.e. more than 6 months spent not in education, employment or training.  相似文献   
15.
16.
17.
In Virginia, major differences between revenue forecasts and actual revenue collections raised questions from legislators about the adequacy of the state's econometric forecasting models and the forecasting process itself. Consequently, Virginia's process and models were examined by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission (JLARC), a legislative watchdog agency. The review found most of the differences could be attributed to declining economic factors and not poor forecasting. However, a surprisingly large component of the forecast was based on undocumented judgmental inputs that required greater oversight. Other states in similar circumstances may wish to evaluate their own forecasting process and econometric models using the JLARC approach.  相似文献   
18.
19.
Abstract. The decline in support for traditional political parties in a number of Western democracies is often attributed to the effects of recent educational expansion and a consequent rise in cognitive mobilisation in the electorate. The thesis that support for the two major parties in Britain is lowest among the young educated is tested here, using survey data for the period 1964–1983. The analysis indicates that for only a short time in the early 1970s was there evidence of such a relationship, and that differences in major-party support which are related to age and to educational achievement have all but disappeared by the 1980s. Moreover, the findings cast serious doubt upon the validity of current operationalisations of 'cognitive mobilisation'.  相似文献   
20.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号