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This article examines the challenges of narcotic drugs in West Africa following the region's emergence as a major transit zone for the trafficking of cocaine and other illicit drugs to many countries in Europe. In addition to the trafficking problem, the use of narcotic drugs has been on the increase in the region. In effect, the drug policy terrain in West Africa appears to be undergoing changing trends. To understand these changes, the article draws on the policy paradigm (orders of change) theory to examine the types of change that are occurring. The analysis reveals that the drug policy terrain is undergoing first and second order changes.  相似文献   
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Felix K. Chang 《Orbis》2012,56(1):19-38
Over the last fifteen years, the steady rise of China's naval capabilities has received a level of attention unmatched since the Soviet navy's expansion following the Cuban Missile Crisis. Yet much of that attention has focused on what that rise has meant for Taiwan's security or a possible contest with the United States.1 But Beijing's seaward territorial concerns also reach far into the South China Sea. And it is there that the military balance has most swiftly swung in China's favor as a result of its modernization program. This article will examine not only how the military balance has shifted, but also what Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam and the Philippines, could do to best preserve their territorial interests in response to that shift.  相似文献   
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Online content is increasingly enforced by private parties based on private regulation. One recent trend in the takedown of unlawful online content is the emergence of models, where trusted third parties – private or public – are given privileged notification channels for flagging infringing content.Despite increasing practical importance, these arrangements have received little scholarly attention. This article explores the functioning of trusted notifier-models and how they are addressed by the European lawmaker in the context of two intermediaries, online platforms and domain name registries. Depending on intermediary, trusted notifier-models can both be seen as extension of the existing notice-and-takedown regimes and an additional voluntary expedited-enforcement layer. The author argues that these trusted notifier-models are problematic given the broad room of autonomy that the legislator is leaving to private parties. Whereas models involving public authorities are subject to general administrative law principles as well as constitutional and human rights safeguards, the framework for private regulation (i.e. without intervention of public actors) is less clear. In the field of domain names, these legitimacy issues give raise to special concern given the detached relation between domain names and website content. The paper criticizes the lack of insights into existing arrangements and calls for increased transparency. The author concludes that a legislative minimum framework is desirable.  相似文献   
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In comparison with the other social and behavioral sciences, there has been a general lack of anthropological input or interest in public policy.
This absence from the public policy arena has been the result of both historical developments and theoretical biases within the field. Nevertheless, there have been certain periods when significant numbers of anthropologists have worked in policy areas-the 1930s. World War Il-but even then their influence was not great. However, in recent years we have witnessed a rapidly growing emphasis on public policy in applied anthropology which promises to give the discipline the opportunity to become atruly holistic policy science.
In addition to the discussion of the factors which have impeded and, more recently, contributed to anthropological involvement with public policy, each of the symposium papers is briefly introduced.  相似文献   
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In this paper, we empirically test for the influence of fairness considerations on the willingness to redistribute income in private and in democratic decisions. In contrast to standard explanations of income redistribution, our theory takes into account that prices shift decisively as we move from the sphere of private contributions to politics. At the polls, it is nearly costless to observe social norms. Therefore, we expect individuals to behave more fairly in the political sphere than in the market place. We present experimental evidence which is consistent with this hypothesis. In distributive struggles, social norms moderate the inclination of human beings to behave like ‘gangsters’.  相似文献   
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