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971.
The dominant view among policy-makers in Sarawak, a resource frontier state in Malaysian Borneo, is that the only viable way to involve smallholders in the oil palm boom that has transformed the agricultural economy of that island is to consolidate them into larger production entities with externally provided management and finance. However, despite lack of government support, the area of smallholder oil palm has increased dramatically in the past decade in those regions with access to roads and palm oil mills. We argue that, once processing infrastructure is in place, oil palm smallholders can readily take advantage of this infrastructure to pursue a profitable livelihood option, with lower cost and greater flexibility than large-scale operations. In this paper we explore the characteristics of oil palm smallholders in Sarawak and the complex and varied processes by which they have inserted themselves into the rapidly expanding landscape of large-scale plantation development. We develop a typology of oil palm smallholders and present a case study based on a questionnaire survey of 72 farm-households in five longhouse-communities in northern Sarawak. The analysis shows the economic viability of independent oil palm smallholders and identifies appropriate means of support that could raise incomes and spread benefits more widely. 相似文献
972.
A New Cosmology of Risks and Crises: Time for a Radical Shift in Paradigm and Practice 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Patrick Lagadec 《政策研究评论》2009,26(4):473-486
Crises in the twenty-first century differ—structurally—from those we had to deal with in the last century. Crises of the twentieth century were traditionally defined and handled as a combination of "threat, urgency, and uncertainty." Today, crises are better described in terms of a destruction of vital references and a dynamic of systemic implosions. If crises were once a type of severe, dynamic accident, they are now the essential mode of life in our hypercomplex systems. These transboundary crises mark a watershed between mind-sets and tools of the past, and the new strategic landscape that we are now in. The intellectual and governance challenges are extreme. But looking back is not an option. It is vital to forge new routes into Terrae Incognitae . The goal of this article is to help build (1) a renewed understanding of the emerging challenges we face; and (2) a better strategic response to these systemic dislocations. 相似文献
973.
Be like bees - the politics of mobilizing farmers for development in Tigray, Ethiopia 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Segers Kaatje; Dessein Joost; Hagberg Sten; Develtere Patrick; Haile Mitiku; Deckers Jozef 《African affairs》2009,108(430):91-109
Based on long-term ethnographic research, this article analysesthe relations between local politics and farmers participationin rural development in Tigray (Ethiopia). It takes an actor-orientedapproach and focuses on local government officials and farmerrepresentatives, who mediate between the government agenciesthat undertake rural development programmes and the farmerswhom they address. To reach the target numbers of programmebeneficiaries, these local development brokers mobilizefarmers to participate. They capitalize upon the historicallegitimacy of the 1975–91 revolution against the militaryDerg dictatorship in which the Tigray People's Liberation Front(TPLF), now heading the national government, and Tigray's ruralpopulation successfully joined forces. They revitalize farmerscollective memory of this alliance and reinvent the revolutionarygrassroots institutions through which it was realized. The effectsof mobilization on participation in development are most evidentamong farmers who are members of the TPLF. A TPLF-developmentnexus arises, structuring local political career opportunitiesalong the lines of development. The case study attempts to contributeto an empirical understanding of the entanglement of local politicsand local development brokerage in rural African societies. 相似文献
974.
The UK is generally considered a laboratory for styles of governance influenced by New Public Management: outsourcing, internal markets, targets, auditing. The shifts in governance style, and the new instruments that have accompanied them, were once synonymous with “Thatcherism” but have since been adopted and refined by New Labour. Early critical social scientific analyses deployed the Gramscian notion of hegemony to analyse this shift. This was followed by Foucault inspired analyses of “governmentality”. The latter focused more explicitly on the micro-level of conduct. This article follows that lead, but seeks to address the central puzzles thrown up by this experiment through Max Weber’s conception of a “bureaucratic revolution” and Karl Polanyi’s analysis of the constitution of a “market subject” via a “double movement”: a simultaneous loosening and tightening of control. The Weber-Polanyi approach allows us, we argue, to make the link more explicit between micro-level changes in the “conduct of life” (Lebensführung) and the meso-level instruments designed to bring about such a re-orientation of conduct. The article makes the case with reference to empirical material from a number of public services, notably education and health. Overall, the decisive factor is not a weakening of the state, but a change in its capacities and instruments. 相似文献
975.
Patrick Hein 《East Asia》2009,26(4):285-304
It is argued that the current debate surrounding the revision of article 9 of the Japanese peace constitution has shifted
from a debate on non-violent ideals and principles rooted in the pacifism of Shidehara, spiritual father of article 9, to
a more pragmatic logic of military action and Realpolitik which lacks intellectual depth, foresight and historical awareness.
The article questions the inherent logic that tries to give a purpose to the military and gain international reputation by
reinterpreting article 9 indiscriminately. Since 2004, the overseas dispatch of SDF forces into the Iraq combat zone has split
the nation more than ever and a national consensus on what article 9 should stand for is further threatened by Government
attempts to extend the application of article 9 to military activities outside Japan under the banner of collective defense.
Ahead of the 2009 general election for the Lower House opposition and ruling parties have apparently agreed that time has
come to review the text of article 9 for the first time after the war based on the premises of Realpolitik. Article 9 in its
current wording still represents a very cherished core principle to the nation as a whole despite the military buildup and
despite the tacit acceptance of the SDF and of the right to limited self-defense. The current popular mood against collective
self-defense, against the overseas deployment of SDF, against the unequitable US-Japan Security Treaty and against nuclear
weapons- termed “negative pacifism”- differs from the voluntarist security policies in the election platforms of the LDP and
DPJ. Ordinary citizens in and outside Japan have challenged the political elite by teaming up to preach the peaceful spirit
of article 9 to the world. It is asserted that the intended revision of article 9 has caused lasting changes in civic political
grass-root culture. 相似文献
976.
977.
978.
Patrick Emmenegger Scherwin M. Bajka Cecilia Ivardi 《Swiss Political Science Review》2023,29(4):355-378
The rise of the knowledge economy challenges coordinated models of capitalism by requiring their skill formation systems to produce a workforce with higher skills. This paper examines how coordinated capitalism adapts to upskilling pressures by jointly studying general education and vocational education and training (VET) at both upper-secondary and tertiary levels. Employing a comparative research design covering German and Swiss upskilling efforts over the past 50 years, we observe important differences. Switzerland, with influential small firms and weak union presence, focuses on keeping VET an attractive option at upper-secondary level by favoring VET graduates' access to tertiary education. By contrast, Germany, marked by large firm dominance and influential unions, concentrates on expanding general education throughout and adding vocational elements later. Our analysis suggests that firms' reform preferences are conditioned by their size and political constraints to reform. 相似文献
979.
This paper explores the extension of collective governance to sectors without collective governance tradition. We introduce the concept of state-led bricolage to analyze the expansion of the Swiss apprenticeship training system – in which employer associations fulfill core collective governance tasks – to economic sectors in which training had previously followed a school-based and state-oriented logic. In deindustrializing societies, these sectors are key for the survival of collectively governed training systems. Through a mixed-methods analysis, we examine the reform process that led to the creation of new intermediary organizations that enable collective governance in these sectors. In addition, we compare the organizational features of these organizations with the respective organizations in the traditional crafts and industry sectors. We find that the new organizations result from state-led bricolage. They are hybrid organizations that reflect some of the bricoleur's core policy goals and critically build on the combination of associational and state-oriented institutional logics. 相似文献