南海安全区域间治理模式探析

实现南海区域安全与和平、稳定一直以来是中国和东盟国家就南海局势展开对话与合作的重要议题之一。然而,现实中的南海安全局势却一再紧张,这表明南海区域安全制度性安排与安全秩序理念和现有变化、发展迅速的南海安全形势已经出现了不同步、不协调的状况。在过往长期的南海安全区域间治理实践中,东盟和中国作为南海周边最具影响力的国家间集团和最重要的区域大国,以不同的方式,就南海安全的区域间治理展开了对话与合作,并形成了各自富有特色的治理模式,"东盟模式"和"中国模式"。这两种模式从不同层次和多个渠道就南海区域安全治理进行了对话与合作,并在南海安全区域间治理方面发挥了一定的效用。然而,目前南海安全体系呈现出来的脆弱性和南海区域安全现况却一再揭示,中国和东盟在南海安全区域间治理进程中还面临着不少现实的困境。为克服这些困境,更好地实现南海安全的区域间治理,中国和东盟应形成合力,为南海安全的区域间治理重塑一个相吻合的制度规范,共同构建一个相匹配的角色、身份与创造一个具有建设性意义的内外治理环境。     

DPRK＇s Attempt at Diplomatic Breakthrough in the Nuclear Dilemma

In recent months, the persistence of the Democratic People＇sRepublic of Korea on conducting nuclear detonation and longrange missile test regardless of wide opposition from the United Nations and the international community incurred severe sanctions on and unprecedented diplomatic isolation for it. Aiming at breaking the plight,     

Improving Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics

The term ＂public diplomacy＂ was first used in 1965 by the Dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy of Tufts University. The term has no fixed definition no matter in China or other countries. Scholars agree on some points but disagree on some others. The Dictionary of International Relations Terms compiled by the U.S. Department of State in 1987 illustrates that public diplomacy refers to government-sponsored programs intended to understand, inform or influence public opinion in other ＂countries, reduce foreign governments＇ and public＇s misperceptions on the United States, enhance the image and influence of the United States in overseas public and promote national interest;     

When Do We Think About Detection? Structural Opportunity and Taxpaying Behavior

Past studies have generally found that perceptions of the likelihood of formal and informal sanctions have lower explanatory power of noncompliance with laws than do internalized norms. Using data from two telephone surveys, we examined a situational characteristic, structural opportunity, that may prod individuals to think about the likelihood of detection from the Internal Revenue Service for underreporting income. Structural opportunity is the degree to which an individual's economic or social situation provides ways to avoid detection. Individuals with high structural opportunity perceived a lower likelihood of IRS detection and indicated that they were less likely to feel guilty if they engaged in tax cheating. Our data also suggested that some individuals with high structural opportunity may be in social networks which condone tax cheating. As expected, structural opportunity provided a condition under which individuals took into consideration the perceived likelihood of formal and informal detection in formulating intentions to engage in tax cheating. Our findings suggest that an examination of the interaction between situational and individual characteristics will provide a more complete understanding of decisions to engage in illegal behavior. Implications for deterrence theory are discussed.     

中美不对称核稳定与美国战略机会主义论析

中美两国安全关系在两国总体关系中扮演着重要的角色,研究中美之间的战略稳定关系,对于维护两国安全关系的稳定具有重要意义。中国的核威慑实力弱于美国,中美之间呈现出不同于传统战略稳定关系的不对称核稳定态势。中国对美国存在一定的核威慑能力,但有效性仍有差距和不足。这一差距容易使美国产生压制和削弱中国核报复能力的机会主义思想。实施限制损伤战略、发展导弹防御能力、进行战略反潜是美国对中国实施战略机会主义的主要行动。美国谋求削弱中国核报复能力、打破中美不对称核稳定的企图,与中国努力维持核威慑能力、维持中美不对称核稳定的行为形成了两股力量相持的态势。中国应重点提升核武器的质量,提高威慑信号的传递效能,以可信可靠的核威慑和核反击能力打消美国战略机会主义心态,维持两国间的战略稳定,特别是危机稳定性,筑牢遏制战争爆发的基础。     

China＇s Economic Relations with

Over the past several years, some terms, such as the ＂Asian Century , the ＂rise of Asia＂ and the ＂rise of China and India,have become popular in international society. For some international observers, these terms simply reflect a global tendency; but for Asian people, they are more like visions. As members of Asia, China and South Asian countries have a responsibility to make these visions into realities, and these countries are trying their utmost to do so.     

The Evolution and Prospects of the International Climate Change Regime

The United Nations Climate Change Conference was held in Bali,Indonesia in December 2007, formally launching the post-Kyoto negotiations. After hard discussions, the parties finally agreed on the Bali Roadmap, promising to have further negotiations and maintain and improve the international climate change regime centered on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change （UNFCCC） and the Kyoto Protocol. However, the scientificity, rationality and effectiveness of the regime are constantly questioned. Very few countries can fulfill standard emissions. Neither Japan or Canada nor most European Union countries are able to fulfill the goals of emissions reduction on schedule. The question of how much responsibility the rapidly growing developing countries should undertake is increasingly standing out. Yet although the regime is greatly challenged, it is still the only relatively complete framework in terms of structure and functions that international climate cooperation can rely on. This regime will continue to play a fundamental and irreplaceable role in the more and more complicated international climate negotiations.     

试论竞争性与非竞争性二元结构的高校科研资助体系

本文从理论和政策实践两个维度,探讨了以高校为对象的竞争性与非竞争性二元结构的政府科研资助体系。从理论上说,政府的资助要同时满足国家、高校、科学家三个层面的需求,单一的竞争性模式难以完成这个任务,必须引入非竞争性的资助模式作为资助机制的补充。中央高校基本科研业务费在实践上开启了二元结构的资助模式,对高校的发展将产生深远的影响。二元结构的资助体系尚需时间探索和磨合,现有非竞争性模式在资助比例、资助对象、评价体系,资源配置等问题上还有探讨的余地。     

Peasants,grapes and corporations: The growth of contract farming in a Chilean community

This article examines the social implications of contract farming promoted in smallholding areas. It is argued that rather than resulting in overall proletarianisation of the local peasantry, contract farming may accelerate its differentiation and disintegration by converting rich peasants into peasant capitalists. The argument is supported by a historical analysis of socio‐economic and organisational processes in a Chilean smallholding community which experienced two consecutive waves of agribusiness expansion: a tobacco boom in the 1950s and a fruit export expansion in the 1970s and 1980s.