安倍政府修宪对亚太安全的影响

修改和平宪法是安倍晋三右倾政治的核心。安倍政府推动修宪,有着长期积累的、复杂的远期背景,即历史、社会、法律根源,这些社会根源长期根植于二战以后的日本社会。近期背景包括社会、国际和安倍右翼政权执政。其中领导者个人因素也起了推波助澜的作用。安倍认为提振经济并非易事,只有树立修宪的旗帜,才能使自己执政时间更长。经过国内外多层博弈之后,安倍顽固地坚持修宪路线。修宪的核心目标是要删除宪法第九条,获得对外交战权,建立国防军,改变战后国际秩序,成为不受任何束缚的、全能的政治、经济和军事大国。为此,安倍政府不断进行舆论准备、政策准备和组织准备。如果修宪成功,日本将拥有国防军、交战权,并施行"积极和平主义",将成为一个强势的日本、危险的日本,在客观效果上将带来亚太地区安全上的某些不确定性,甚至可能引发地区动荡和军备竞赛。但是,在安倍执政期内,很难实现修宪的目标,其成功的概率只有40%。不过,即使安倍政府推动的修宪不能成功,自其执政以来到现在所推动的修宪,也已经给亚太地区安全带来了消极负面的影响,引起了地区国家之间的猜忌和关系紧张,也导致这些国家在心理上加强了对日本的戒备,同时推动了东亚地区实际军备竞赛的出现。     

杜特尔特时期美菲防务合作的调整及其局限

In 2016 and 2017 respectively,new governments of the Philippines and the United States took office,which initiated a change in the development of their bilateral relations.Although the US-Philippines alliance has since then returned to normal conditions and defense cooperation has continued to strengthen,policy reorientations and adjustments by the Trump administration have stirred up uncertainties among the Filipinos concerning the ties between the two countries.Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte came to power with the slogan of change.His foreign policy sought to actively close the rift in the relations with China,which were severely damaged by the South China Sea arbitration case.While tightening US-Philippines defense cooperation,he also took active steps to diversify cooperation partners.In recent years,a number of new features have been added to the US-Philippines defense cooperation,which not only reflects the characteristics and trends of the advancement of the US Indo-Pacific strategy,but also has important implications for China and its efforts to maintain overall peace and stability in the neighboring areas and to further enhance China-Philippines relations.     

Breaking Down the Military Ban

<正>Japan’s decision to allow aid to support foreign military raises security concerns in East Asia Japan’s cabinet on February 10 adopted a foreign aid charter stating for the first time that its official development assistance(ODA)program can be used to support foreign armed forces.The newly enforced Development Cooperation Charter,previously known as the ODA Charter,said military aid is al owed to be used in non-combat operations     

金砖国家粮食安全合作评析

粮食安全与否,对人、国家和国际体系的安全都意义重大。它所产生的威胁具有高度跨国性、扩散性、嬗变性、多层面性和多向度性,是典型的非传统安全。实现粮食安全,要超越以国家为中心的传统安全观念和手段,建立以共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观为基础的粮食安全治理体系,构建多层次和大规模的非传统安全共同体。金砖国家粮食安全合作,有利于提升各成员国的粮食安全水平,促进金砖国家落实《2030年可持续发展议程》,提高金砖国家参与全球粮食安全治理能力,推动全球粮食安全治理改革,构建金砖国家命运共同体。作为金砖国家非传统安全合作的重要组成部分,金砖国家粮食安全合作基本确立了合作架构,初步搭建农业科技信息平台,金砖农业实力不断壮大,全球粮食安全治理中实现有限合作,具有了金砖国家非传统安全共同体的雏形。但其仍然面临着合作动力减弱、合作机制不完善和合作领域亟待深化的挑战。只有金砖国家真正树立并践行新安全观,才能聚合各方诉求,加强合作动力,深化气候、科技创新、农业贸易投资便利化、信息交流与共享等领域的合作,完善政府、科研、企业三位一体的合作机制,推动全球粮食安全治理体系向更加有利于发展中国家的方向发展。     

Strategic Choice Matters

The author believes that strategic choice of states lies behind the shape of the international order.     

Disadvantaged Groups and Asymmetric Conflicts

The article metaphorizes the relationship of extra-system actors with the world＇s dominant international system as a ＂jostle-to-board- the-train Game Model,＂ and transplants the disadvantaged group theory of domestic sociology to international relations. On the basis of this the author proposes a loss-driven model to explain the self-destructive asymmetric conflicts in the world today. As the result of two climaxes in the jostle to board the train games, the author argues that three structural changes have occurred： centralization of power, institutionalization, and legitimization in the international system. These changes have created a ＂spindle-shaped＂ system structure with international disadvantaged groups taking a passive role. Although this structure is highly stable, channels for international disadvantaged groups to express their interests are blocked. As the net losers in the established system and order, international disadvantaged groups have no alternative but to follow the loss-driven model to confront the strong. Their action of ＂beating stone with eggs＂ is surely not capable of overthrowing the whole system, but creates a significant potential threat to world stability and harmony.     

China-U.S. Relations Should Go beyond Four Constraints

Further smooth and more successful development of China-U.S. relations depends on whether it, in the years to come, could go beyond four constraints.     

东亚粮食安全合作进程:机制建设、问题与中国对策

目前东亚地区粮食安全合作在以东盟为中心、中日韩以及亚太经合组织三大框架下全面推进,取得显著进展。但在东亚地区力量对比发生重要改变和美国重返亚太的背景下,东亚地区粮食安全合作面临着地区国家间政治互信脆弱、机制化建设亟待提高和美国加大介入力度等来自内外的双重挑战。作为地区大国,中国应积极承担地区责任,高度重视并主动推进东亚地区粮食合作,加大东亚地区粮食安全合作机制化建设投入,并加强与美国的沟通与协调。     

欧洲债务危机对欧盟政治的影响

当前,欧债危机愈演愈烈且成蔓延、发酵之势,给欧盟及欧洲一体化事业带来诸多困难与挑战。它对欧盟政治的影响是长远的,且具有战略性和全局性。欧债危机迫使欧盟强化政治合作与政策协调,采取一系列蕴含深刻政治含义的改革,加强经济治理和行业监督,以进一步推进经济领域的高度一体化;它导致欧盟内部各政治力量新的分化、调整和组合,迫使法国和德国联合起来应对经济失衡,继续担当欧洲一体化的"火车头"、"发动机";它扩大了欧元区集团与非欧元区成员国间的裂痕,促使双方重新评估和调整相关政策,为今后集体实现单一货币奠定基础。历史地看,欧洲一体化事业总是在危机中不断前进的。此次欧债危机虽然给欧盟造成了许多困扰,但如果应对妥当,它将会以政治联盟建设的新突破为欧洲一体化注入新的强劲动力。     

中国视角：朝核问题现状及解决途径

本文通过对朝鲜拥核的内外部因素分析,重新评估了朝鲜的核政策,反驳了目前西方学者在朝核问题上的6种观点,对朝鲜拥核的动机、强制弃核的效果、朝核问题解决的程序悖论、中国在朝核问题上的作用、朝鲜经济变革的可能性以及六方会谈的未来等进行了论证。本文认为朝鲜弃核进程必须与安全关切紧密联在一起,弃核的实现又与朝鲜的经济改革存在相关性。必须强化六方会谈其他五方与朝鲜的立场和政策更为有效的协调,以多边模式整合碎片化的地区安全局面。