全文获取类型
收费全文 | 166篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 29篇 |
工人农民 | 9篇 |
世界政治 | 22篇 |
外交国际关系 | 62篇 |
法律 | 13篇 |
中国政治 | 11篇 |
政治理论 | 28篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 15篇 |
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 32篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 5篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
1962年 | 1篇 |
1960年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有174条查询结果,搜索用时 234 毫秒
31.
This paper addresses new challenges and identifies starting points for development theory following recent debates in Latin America on ‘new or neo-extractivism’. It focuses on the concept of neo-extractivism and the context of its emergence, and on the changing role of the state. Looking at a number of social economic indicators, we find that, even after considering differences between countries, (neo-)extractivism is not merely a temporary economic strategy in the region. Instead, it exhibits features of a consolidated development project. Empirical evidence from the region shows the fundamental implications of resource-based development paths in politics, social relations and territorial orders. To grasp these implications conceptually, we argue for a shift in theoretical perspectives related to the link between development and resource extraction. Key elements for such a shift are to be found in recent studies in rentier theory and politics and new approaches in the field of political ecology. 相似文献
32.
Richard Allan 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):62-74
Scholars have traditionally argued that Islamist terrorist groups tend to commit higher casualty attacks. Noting that casualty rates of attacks vary widely across Islamist terrorist groups, this study advances an alternative hypothesis that group organizational features and goal structures better explain differing casualty rates than does the overarching ideological type. Using both cross-national analysis and a case study of post-invasion Iraq, I demonstrate that there are two basic types of Islamist terrorist groups whose organizational and goal-structure features explain divergent casualty rates: “strategic groups” that function similarly to secular national-liberation and regime-change movements and “abstract/universal groups” that are affiliated with the global al-Qaeda network. 相似文献
33.
2016年美国总统大选暴露了长期存在于该国选举体系中的风险,"选举安全"迅速成为当代美国国家安全与国土安全领域的重要议题。美国选举安全涉及网络安全、社会安全、政治安全与军事安全,体现出"复合安全问题"的特质。美国联邦与各州政府试图从降低关键基础设施风险、重建选民信任、减少部门壁垒以及填补机制缺失四个层面入手,系统性化解存在于选举系统的各类安全威胁。2020年美国大选期间,原有选举安全风险得到一定程度的缓解,但美国国家安全体制及文化与其选举安全体系的运行逻辑之间仍存在多层矛盾,特别是美国选举体系的产业市场与创新之间的矛盾、国家安全与"言论自由"之间的矛盾、"全政府"与"地方权"之间的矛盾、"网络自由"与"网络主权"之间的矛盾。这些矛盾会长期存在,将使利益攸关方不断发生龃龉,阻碍相关政策深入推进,最终导致美国在选举安全治理上将一直面临难以克服的困境。 相似文献
34.
The twenty years after the end of the Cold War have witnessed a transformation of the mode of Sino-US relations from Security Issue-dominated to Complex Interdependence. Today, conflicts of interest between China and the US can be classified and resolved through normal channels, which protects the roots of good Sino-US relations instead of constantly placing them under threat. However, shifts in the relative power of the two countries, and shifting preferences in their interests continue to highlight the fragility of Sino-US relations. China needs to manage this fragile relationship carefully if it is to achieve its aim of a peaceful rise. 相似文献
35.
Qian Liwei 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2009,19(5):52-63
Barack Obama became the first African American president calling for change. He is not only faced with serious challenges on the economic and financial fronts, but also has to deal with a variety of major social problems which will potentially reshape American society in the 21 st century: increasing economic inequality, complex race relations, an unsustainable healthcare burden and a weakening education system. These are issues which have existed for decades in the U.S., but now it seems that President Obama has a better opportunity to make a "real change" happen than his predecessors, because American society is going through a fundamental evolution. 相似文献
36.
Wang Jisi 《现代国际关系(英文版)》2004,(3):1-7
Analysis of the issue calls for some questions of methodology. First, the law of historical development teaches that all countries, no matter how strong they may be, will eventually decline. So the point is not whether the United States will be an exception, but when and how will the day of reckoning descend on the world's current sole superpow- er. And whether there will be a comeback in the wake of a fall in inter- national status. Even American strategists do not evade the issue.They only… 相似文献
37.
AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which girls and women are using digital media platforms to challenge the rape culture they experience in their everyday lives; including street harassment, sexual assault, and the policing of the body and clothing in school settings. Focusing on three international cases, including the anti-street harassment site Hollaback!, the hashtag #BeenRapedNeverReported, and interviews with teenage Twitter activists, the paper asks: What experiences of harassment, misogyny and rape culture are girls and women responding to? How are girls and women using digital media technologies to document experiences of sexual violence, harassment, and sexism? And, why are girls and women choosing to mobilize digital media technologies in such a way? Employing an approach that includes ethnographic methods such as semi-structured interviews, content analysis, discursive textual analysis, and affect theories, we detail a range of ways that women and girls are using social media platforms to speak about, and thus make visible, experiences of rape culture. We argue that this digital mediation enables new connections previously unavailable to girls and women, allowing them to redraw the boundaries between themselves and others. 相似文献
38.
39.
40.
Ian Rutledge 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(2):227-237
The paper describes and discusses the Indian peasant uprising which took place in the Puna (high tableland) of Jujuy Province in Northern Argentina between 1872 and 1875. The origins of the revolt are to be found principally in the land tenure system, and specifically in problems associated with the historical evolution of the colonial encomienda system. The role of ‘outside’ political forces in the uprising is discussed and evaluated, but it is argued that the Indians’ demands for the return of their communal lands was the fundamental issue. In this respect it is suggested that the revolt should be examined within the wider context of Indian revolts and agrarian unrest which affected various parts of the Andean Highlands during the last thirty years of the nineteenth century. 相似文献