The Way to a Secure and Stable Afghanistan

The U.S. and its NATO allies have realized that problems in Afghanistan can not be solved militarily, yet negotiation with insurgent groups is extremely difficult. The only way to a secure and stable Afghanistan is through national reconciliation.     

Behind the Dotted Line on the Chinese Map of the South China Sea

Whether inadvertently or by design,the Western media is currently misinterpreting the dotted line (or "the nine-dotted line") on the Chinese map as indicating China's claim of ownership (sovereignty) to over 80％ or even the entire South China Sea.Its aim is to pit China against the entire ten ASEAN states as a regional hegemonic bully.Nothing could be further from the truth.At the same time,what compounds the confusion are the different and sometimes mutually inconsistent interpretations given to that line among Chinese academic and journalistic circles.This essay traces the origin of the dotted line,and safely affirms its legal status as defining Chinese ownership (sovereignty) over the enclosed islands,isles,reefs and atolls.     

Malaysia’s Federal System: Overt and Covert Centralisation

In recent decades, many countries have implemented decentralisation drives to increase efficiency and responsiveness. However, Malaysia is an exception. Its federal system is more than 50 years old and, rather than decentralising, the country has pursued a sustained centralisation drive. The cause dates back to the pre-independence period, when the nationalist elite, the British and the traditional rulers negotiated the structure of the future government. The first two parties wanted a strong central government, but had to factor in pre-existing political structures centred on the rulers. The result was a federal system with a powerful central government and state governments with diminished responsibilities. Since independence, the ruling coalition founded by the nationalist elite has remained in power at the federal level. Enabled by the constitution’s “top-heavy” design and its unbroken tenure, the coalition has implemented a continuous centralisation drive. Further catalysts – but not causes – have been the implementation of the New Economic Policy and creeping authoritarianism. The centralisation drive has been pursued through a variety of tactics, including: appropriating state government responsibilities; altering incentive structures; privatising state government-owned assets; and “organisational duplication.” Recent policies look to continue this, precluding the potential benefits of a functioning federal system.     

印尼华人融入当地主流社会的现状、挑战和发展趋势

印尼华人已逐步融入当地主流社会,主要表现在政治上认同印尼为自己的祖国,经济上成为当地民族经济的重要组成部分,社会文化上虽保持华族文化传统习俗但已逐步当地化.尽管如此,华族仍然面临诸多挑战,只有印尼政府执行正确的民族政策,当地社会改变对华人的偏见,华人更积极主动地融入主流社会,中国政府严格区分印尼华人与华侨,这样才能促进印尼华人更快融入当地主流社会.     

Will there be a new ASEAN in the 21st century?

Asia Europe Journal -     

论当前中国和平维护南海权益的国际环境

2010年以来,在美国高调介入南海地区事务以及越南推动南海问题多边化与外部化政策的影响下,东盟对南海问题的影响日趋增强,主要南海权益争端国家对中国的态度趋向强硬。南海问题的发展趋势表明,南海争端矛盾的尖锐化、问题解决机制的多边化、区域外强国介入的常态化已经成为中国和平维护南海权益不得不面对的国际环境。而美国与东盟提出的多边谈判和尽早协商通过《南海地区行为准则》的建议短期内无益于问题的解决。从容易解决的争端下手,通过双边谈判首先解决某些具体争端,逐渐消解南海问题的复杂性是中国应对当前南海问题复杂国际因素、和平维护南海权益的必要之举。     

美国奥巴马政府南海政策研究

相对于以往历届美国政府的南海政策,奥巴马政府对南海地区国家利益和国际利益的政策表述体现了更多将南海问题推向地区化和国际化的特征。出于亚太战略和重返东南亚的需要,奥巴马政府在南海问题上更倾向于表达与东南亚各国相近的共同利益,支持东南亚各南海权益声索国,反对中国的南海权益主张,并与东南亚国家共同遏制中国日益上升的地区影响力。然而,作为调整亚太战略的一种手段,奥巴马政府的南海政策不会走向因过度干预而损及亚太利益的极端。2011年,印度尼西亚担任东盟轮值主席国,鉴于不同于越南的南海利益诉求,印尼应当不会比越南更热衷于推动南海问题的继续升温。受地区主要国家政策温和化的影响,奥巴马政府的南海政策及其对地区形势的影响将呈现相对减弱的态势。     

东南亚地区形势:2011年

近年来,东南亚经济复苏步伐快于全球,政治稳定,经济与政治方面的调整改革取得了许多进展。泰国与柬埔寨的边界又起争端,东盟的团结与能力面临新的考验,但不会影响整个地区的和平与稳定。奥巴马政府调整美国的东南亚政策,加强美国在东南亚的存在与影响力,围绕中美两个大国与东盟关系的演变,该地区国际关系格局出现调整。     

Comparing Brokers in India: Informal Networks and Access to Public Services in Bihar and Gujarat

ABSTRACT

Faced with unresponsive and intimidating state institutions, citizens often need to rely on brokers to obtain state benefits. This article compares the ways in which brokers help people gain access to public services in two Indian states. Using ethnographic fieldwork in both states, we compare Bihar and Gujarat to argue that the evolution of the informal networks through which citizens gain access to public services constitutes an important dimension of democratisation processes. In both Gujarat and Bihar such brokerage networks have fragmented considerably over the last 40 years, while also becoming less marked by social hierarchies. This change has taken place despite a differing role and strength of political parties in the two states. The fragmentation and levelling of brokerage networks have enabled citizens to put more pressure on state institutions and power holders. This process of “informal democratisation” suggests that the comparative study of brokerage networks constitutes a promising and largely unexplored avenue to interpret the challenges facing governance and local democracy in India.     

越南“经济危机”的非经济解读

根据2008年6月国内媒体着力报道越南"经济危机"的情况,本文着重探讨国内媒体关注越南的动因,并探讨越南经济"危机"与否.2007年末开始,持续走好的越南经济出现了若干困难,并持续到2008年.2008年6月,国内媒体大规模地报道越南的经济"危机"--楼市、股市等表现,同时也有学者用"较大困难"一词形容越南经济.国内媒体对越南的关注更多地是提醒中国.类似的关注模式此前也有出现.此类关注更多是借题发挥,而对越南的报道显得有些片面.