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排序方式: 共有193条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
171.
现代城市是风险的集聚之地,风险沟通是城市风险治理的关键环节。通过选取我国30部城市风险治理相关的法律规范,聚集其中风险沟通条款,依照政府、市场与社会间权利与义务互动的分析框架,进行文本分析和定量研究,对我国当前风险沟通制度进行梳理与解构。并在解构基础上提出风险沟通制度的重构设想:细化政府回应义务,完善公众知情权与质询权,明晰政府保密权与公众知情权的边界,强化市场组织报告和公开义务等。通过风险沟通制度重构来保障城市风险治理中政府、市场与社会间的良性互动,促进我国风险沟通制度的日臻完善。  相似文献   
172.
    
Transnational private governance initiatives that address problems of social and environmental concern now pervade many sectors. In tackling distinct substantive problems, these programs have, however, prioritized different problem‐oriented logics in their institutionalized rules and procedures. One is a “logic of control” that focuses on ameliorating environmental and social externalities by establishing strict and enforceable rules; another is a “logic of empowerment” that concentrates on remedying the exclusion of marginalized actors in the global economy. Examining certification programs in the areas of fair trade, organic agriculture, fisheries, and forest management, we assess the evolutionary effects of programs prioritizing one logic and then having to accommodate the other. The challenges programs face when balancing between the two logics, we argue, elucidate specific distributional consequences for wealth, power, and regulatory capabilities that private governance programs seek to overcome.  相似文献   
173.
    
《Communist and Post》2014,47(2):227-236
This article surveys and discusses the latest wave of mass protests in Ukraine, the Euromaydan. This study situates the Euromaydan within the history of the other protests in post-communist Ukraine and makes a comparison to the Orange Revolution (the Orange Revolution). The authors recognize the importance of international factors, but argue that Ukrainian domestic political factors contributed significantly not only to the emergence, but also to escalation of the latest conflict in Ukraine. This study tests a theory about the role of institutional factors versus the role of cultural-historic legacies in the process of mass protest formation and conflict development. We argue that institutional factors, such as: governmental policies; the composition of governmental, opposition, and civil society groups; corruption; and timing of legislative activity on most divisive issues in Ukraine have contributed to the conflict escalation in Ukraine.  相似文献   
174.
We provide a comparative analysis of capital project management for major transportation and information technology (IT) acquisitions in US state governments, focusing on the use of earned value management (EVM). Results indicate that most states have adopted basic reforms, such as establishing project management offices and developing guidelines based on industry standards. However, fewer have implemented reforms with more teeth to them, such as centralized oversight and EVM. We find that states with greater spending are more likely to use EVM but that it is more commonly prescribed for IT than transportation.  相似文献   
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176.
    
Co-production is an area of policy making in many countries which has received little treatment in the policy studies literature. It has been studied in the field of public administration and public management however, albeit mainly in the case of education-related activities in Scandinavian countries. Using the cases of co-production of support services for the disabled and the elderly in the little-studied programs found in Croatia and Thailand as illustrative examples, this article examines how the concept of co-production can be viewed as an example of the use of a new policy tool, bringing together the insights of both policy and management theory in order to understand its origins and evolution. The article highlights the importance of viewing co-production using an integrated lens if studies of co-production are to advance.  相似文献   
177.
《Communist and Post》2019,52(4):343-353
Partisanship has become the dominant ideological incentive to political polarization. Likewise, the analytical association between polarization and the party system in electoral democracies has focused, in most of the existing literature, on political polarization, leaving aside authoritarian or semi-authoritarian contexts where a fair multi-party election is absent or dysfunctional. By collecting and analyzing online posts about international terrorism from Sina Weibo in China, between January 2011 and December 2016, this study proves the existence of opinion polarization on terrorism in China's digital media sphere. By categorizing the findings into two camps, ‘global war on terror discourse’ and ‘anti-imperialist narrative’, the study elucidates these polarized attitudes in terms of their acceptance, denial and decomposition of the global discourse of fears about terrorism. Drawing on our case study, the study then proposes an alternative explanation for the motivation/driver of mass polarization in digitally networked communication in China, identified as the effect of globalization and localization.  相似文献   
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179.
大数据在应急管理中的应用   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
马奔  毛庆铎 《中国行政管理》2015,(3):136-141,151
当前大数据正在改变世界,而数据收集和分析则是提升应急管理功能的重要手段。在对大数据内涵和具体案例进行分析后就会发现,大数据在应急管理中的应用主要有大数据技术和大数据思维两种方式。在应急管理的事前准备、事中响应和事后救援与恢复的每一阶段都可以引入大数据的应用,每个阶段对大数据的应用程度也会因其需要应对内容的不同而有所差别。大数据的应用有助于提高应急管理效率、节省成本和减少损失。我国需要在大数据战略、大数据开放政策、大数据在应急管理中具体应用形式等方面做出部署与探索。  相似文献   
180.
An important literature examines the attempts by the international community in inducing or coercing conflict parties in civil wars to refrain from committing atrocities against the civilian population. We examine in this article whether a non-governmental actor, the distinctively neutral and independent International Committee of the Red Cross, whose mission includes the promotion of humanitarian law and the protection of the civilian population, has such a restraining effect on the conflict parties. Our results suggest that the more time has passed since the ratification of the relevant Geneva Conventions and Protocols, the larger is the risk of civilian victimization. We cannot find evidence that the ICRC’s presence in conflict zones and the seminars it conducts to spread humanitarian law make a crucial difference. Case studies of Bosnia and Darfur indicate that shaming strategies and thus a relatively unusual instrument for the traditionally neutral actor did not abate the killings; the statistical evidence in the form of Granger causality tests rather show that the killing and harming precedes the naming and shaming.  相似文献   
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