A porous humanitarian shield: The laws of war,the red cross,and the killing of civilians

An important literature examines the attempts by the international community in inducing or coercing conflict parties in civil wars to refrain from committing atrocities against the civilian population. We examine in this article whether a non-governmental actor, the distinctively neutral and independent International Committee of the Red Cross, whose mission includes the promotion of humanitarian law and the protection of the civilian population, has such a restraining effect on the conflict parties. Our results suggest that the more time has passed since the ratification of the relevant Geneva Conventions and Protocols, the larger is the risk of civilian victimization. We cannot find evidence that the ICRC’s presence in conflict zones and the seminars it conducts to spread humanitarian law make a crucial difference. Case studies of Bosnia and Darfur indicate that shaming strategies and thus a relatively unusual instrument for the traditionally neutral actor did not abate the killings; the statistical evidence in the form of Granger causality tests rather show that the killing and harming precedes the naming and shaming.     

“龙象并肩”:中印非传统安全合作

非传统安全合作是国际关系领域的新焦点。近年来,越来越多的国际关系学者开始关注日益凸显的非传统安全问题,包括恐怖主义、金融危机、跨国有组织犯罪、传染性疾病、气候变化、移民难民、复合性自然灾害、自然资源枯竭或跨界资源冲突等。非传统安全挑战严重威胁着区域安全,东亚和南亚地区也不例外。审视中国和印度这两个地缘相连的竞争大国之间的关系以及中印双边非传统安全合作,从传统安全角度看,长期以来存在的领土争议是阻碍中印关系发展的核心问题,而从非传统安全角度看,中印之间的合作交流却超过以往。中印之间存在的传统安全问题和非传统安全问题之间的关联,经济安全、能源安全、民族分裂主义与恐怖主义、水资源安全、流行性疾病、海洋安全、生态安全等领域是双方能够实现合作的非传统安全优先领域,而"和合主义"理念范式与"多元共赢"合作模式为中印之间的非传统安全合作提供了重要的理论指导,从而展示出中印共同携手发展的可能与前景。     

城市风险治理中的风险沟通制度——基于30部法律规范的文本分析

现代城市是风险的集聚之地,风险沟通是城市风险治理的关键环节。通过选取我国30部城市风险治理相关的法律规范,聚集其中风险沟通条款,依照政府、市场与社会间权利与义务互动的分析框架,进行文本分析和定量研究,对我国当前风险沟通制度进行梳理与解构。并在解构基础上提出风险沟通制度的重构设想:细化政府回应义务,完善公众知情权与质询权,明晰政府保密权与公众知情权的边界,强化市场组织报告和公开义务等。通过风险沟通制度重构来保障城市风险治理中政府、市场与社会间的良性互动,促进我国风险沟通制度的日臻完善。     

What's past is prologue,or is it? Generational effects on voter turnout in post-communist countries, 1990–2013

A common theme in studies of voter turnout in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is that the legacy of communism attenuates electoral participation. It is argued that socialization and the political habits that emerged under communism impeded democratic development by not motivating citizen activism. This paper examines this claim for voter turnout in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Poland for all general elections since 1990 using cohort analysis on pooled crosssectional post-election surveys from given countries. This paper shows that socialization and political habit formation under communism have had no discernible effect on voter turnout in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary between 1990 and 2013. Generational effects are evident in Poland suggesting that this country's political history is qualitatively different from that of its neighbours. This research is important in highlighting that citizens' political development within non-liberal democratic regimes does not always lead to lower levels of voter turnout. Consequently, the decline in turnout in CEE is likely to have attitudinal rather than generational origins where contemporary rather than historical political developments are most important.     

Mobilizing justice in sociolegal research: a mixed methods meta-analysis

Crime, Law and Social Change - Justice as a concept has permeated sociolegal scholarship in the U.S. since the founding of Law and Society as a field in the mid 1960s. Much of this scholarship has...     

区域水资源共享冲突的网络治理模式创新

水资源是关系国计民生的重要战略性自然资源,具有多种属性。2009年世界水日的主题(跨界水:共享的水、共享的机遇)引发了各国对跨界水资源治理制度的关注。典型的市场治理或科层治理机制已经无法解决跨界水资源多维属性的复杂问题,其治理效果和效率在不断降低。本文从我国的水资源共享冲突区域现实及9+2合作区的构建出发,认为我国的区域水资源共享冲突治理需要借鉴西方的网络治理模式,以提高治理效率。西方学者提出的共享型治理、领导型网络治理和行政型网络治理三种不同的网络治理结构模式在我国不具备独立存在的环境,认为水资源的共享治理创新将涉及流域沿途的不同区域不同部门,以及同一区域不同层次的各部门。应该建立一种兼具领导型网络与行政型网络的复杂治理结构,即按照传统的自上而下层级结构建立纵向的权力层次,并按照新兴的各种利益集团组织建立横向的行动规则,形成区域公共物品或公共服务的共享供给和实施决策机制。     

An Analysis on the Politics and Diplomacy of the Hatoyama Cabinet

A new chapter began in Japan＇s political history when Yukio Hatoyama and his Democratic Party （DPJ） replaced the long-governing Liberal Democratic Party （LDP）, thus creating the long-contemplated structure of alternate rule by the two major political parties. Attaching more importance to independence in diplomacy, the Hatoyama Cabinet is expected to stand for a repositioning of its relations with the United States and make greater diplomatic efforts in Asia with the focus on building an East Asian Community so as to adapt to the evolving international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.     

唯物史观深化与社会主义市场经济历史定位

唯物史观提供了社会主义历史必然性证明,所擘画的未来蓝图是公有制计划经济。中国改革推出社会主义市场经济,表明生产力第一致动要素已经从"物质生产力"转移至"劳动生产力",进而表明生产力发展重心已经从侧重"生存需要"转移至侧重"发展需要";社会主义市场经济历史定位将经由唯物史观这一转变完成。     

回溯性求偿与国际战争的诱发

既有理性主义战争成因理论认为围绕战争的预期效用计算主导着国家冲突行为的选择。将沉没成本和各类既往互动经历纳入效用计算在上述理论路径下被视为非理性行为。这种理论偏见限制了理性主义战争成因理论的解释力。事实上，对于物质和时间沉没成本的关注导致了国家行为体互动时呈现极端的相对收益敏感。为规避特定一方的相对物质收益或时间优势过度累积而使冲突双方实力失衡，自认为处于损失框架下的国家不时地采取无法被对方所接受的回溯性求偿行为，进而使冲突双方的和解方案交集被极大限缩；加之求偿国与被求偿国判断对方所持决策框架时产生的认知落差，冲突双方的风险承担意愿随之增加，同时双方也高估对方的敌意而低估对方的冲突决心，冲突升级为战争的可能性因而增加。2022年的乌克兰危机和第一次世界大战前的军事动员竞赛可以分别论证两类典型的回溯性求偿行为——围绕物质利益争夺展开的受害者—加害者战略互动和为争夺时间优势而被迫采取的后发先至策略——对国际战争的诱发性影响。     

Civil society and democratization: The role of service-providing organizations amid closing civic spaces

This article argues that current democracy promotion strategies relying on rights-claiming advocacy NGOs are falling short of their democratization goals, as authoritarian regimes are closing the space through restrictions on the NGOs that attempt to carry them out. In response, we suggest a reexamination of earlier approaches to involving civil society in democratization efforts by shifting the focus back on service-providing civil society organizations that have largely become side-lined in democracy-building agendas. Specifically, service providers tend to be more capable of functioning “under the radar” thus contributing to democracy in both direct and indirect ways, and thus escaping closing space restrictions. The key concerns about their independence from the state, as well as under what conditions the state may be less successful in coopting the independent service-providers, however, remain unresolved and warrant future research.