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991.
我国传统决策思想源远流长 ,广博深邃 ,有的达到了很高的水平。善于从中吸收有益的养份 ,对于提高当代领导者的决策水平 ,有着重要的现实价值。 相似文献
992.
作为党和国家监督体系中的党内监督,既是监督范围概念,又是监督主体概念。党内监督蕴涵了党的监督。党内监督,无论是作为监督范围概念,还是作为监督主体概念,在党和国家监督体系中都居于核心地位。健全党和国家监督体系的核心是健全党内监督体系。健全党内监督体系,包括健全党内监督组织体系和健全党内监督职能体系。健全党内监督组织体系,重点是健全中央统一领导、地方各负其责、基层具体落实的党内监督纵向组织体系;健全党委主体责任、纪委监督责任、部门职能责任的党内监督横向组织体系;健全同级党委、上级纪委对地方各级纪委和基层纪委工作的双重领导体制。健全党内监督职能体系,重点是健全党委全面监督、纪委专责监督、部门职能监督、基层日常监督、党员民主监督的党内监督职能分工体系;健全自上而下的组织监督、自下而上的民主监督、同级之间的相互监督等不同类型的监督共同发挥作用的党内监督职能协调体系;健全以领导干部为重点对象、日常管理监督为主要形式、巡视巡察监督为重要补充的党内监督职能运行体系。 相似文献
993.
Nil Mutluer 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):99-118
ABSTRACTThis article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions. 相似文献
994.
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):79-98
ABSTRACTSince roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes. 相似文献
995.
Gianfranco Pasquino 《South European society & politics》2018,23(1):133-146
AbstractFollowing the collapse of the Italian party system in 1994, post-war Italian political cultures have all but exhausted themselves, if not disappeared completely. First, the Ulivo (Olive Tree) in 1996–1998, then, the Partito Democratico in 2007–2008, attempted without much conviction to formulate a new political culture combining several traditions and heritages. This article will explore how and why the PD failed in its attempts. It will also look at the status of other political cultures, especially the federalist and the liberal, supposedly relaunched by Berlusconi in 1994. It will conclude with some reflections on the appearance of personalist parties and leaders’ narratives and provide an assessment of the present situation with specific reference to the attempt by the PD leader, Matteo Renzi, to give birth to a so-called ‘Partito della Nazione’. Is there any future for new political cultures in the Italian political system? Will the Italian party system ever be revived? 相似文献
996.
ABSTRACTThis article develops a framework for conceptualising authoritarian governance and rule in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. After introducing the national and academic context, which go a significant way towards understanding the paucity of comparative political work on Laos, we propose an approach to studying post-socialist authoritarian and single-party rule that highlights the key political-institutional, cultural-historical and spatial-environmental sources of party-state power and authority. In adopting this approach, we seek to redirect attention to the centralising structures of rule under the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, illustrating how authoritarian institutions of the “party-state” operate in and through multiple scales, from the central to the local level. At a time when the country is garnering greater attention than at any time since the Vietnam War, we argue that this examination of critical transitions in Laos under conditions of resource-intensive development, intensifying regional and global integration, and durable one-party authoritarian rule, establishes a framework for future research on the party-state system in Laos, and for understanding and contextualising the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party regime in regional comparative perspective. 相似文献
997.
Amelia Hadfield 《圆桌》2017,106(1):23-35
In the October 2015 elections, the charismatic Justin Trudeau led the Canadian Liberal Party to its first majority government in 15 years, overturning nearly a decade of conservative government. His premiership is generally considered to have begun well. This article examines Trudeau’s conduct of the election campaign, his choice of a young and diverse Cabinet, his courtship of the media and image making, and assesses changes in foreign and domestic policy. These have yet to prove substantive but Trudeau has signalled a reversal of Stephen Harper’s conservative policies and especially in regard to migration has tapped into images of ‘compassionate Canadians’. In foreign policy, this has been evidenced in relations with the United States and with a re-engagement with the Commonwealth especially in its soft power aspects. Trudeau’s green credentials and stance on Climate Change are a contrast to those of his predecessor but he has yet to confront the different environmental profiles and policies of the Canadian states. Canada’s Strategic Partnership with the European Community and the ratification of CETA are priorities and he has to come to terms with the implications of Brexit. 相似文献
998.
George W. Breslauer 《后苏联事务》2017,33(3):177-199
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) are both conceptualized as sacred institutions, with many features of ideology/theology, hierocratic structure, and policy process in common. After periods of exclusion, they both also faced strong pressures to adapt to changes in the modern world, both internal and external, and to reduce status differentiation within the hierarchy and between the clergy/apparatchiki hierarchy and the laity/population. The present article compares and contrasts de-Stalinization under Khrushchev (1956–1964) with the results of Vatican II (1959–1965), and Gorbachev’s reforms (1985–1991) with the efforts of Pope Francis to reform the RCC (2013–present). The comparisons validate the explanatory power of the noted similarities between these sacred institutions, while also highlighting significant differences in structure, mission, and process, which explain why Pope Francis has adopted an incremental strategy for reform of the RCC, in contrast to Gorbachev’s revolutionary strategy for reforming the CPSU. 相似文献
999.
Mei-Ling Ellerman 《亚洲研究》2017,49(2):187-206
This paper examines how Chinese female migrant domestic workers are influenced by different forms of subordination; how norms, practices, and power relations enable and legitimize their subordination; and the ways in which subordination elicits compliance while silencing and disempowering the workers. I advance a new perspective on subordination, linking forms of subordination with forms of consciousness. Consciousness of one’s treatment and how one is changed by it informs the decision of whether to remain silent. Compliance, silencing, and disempowerment are facilitated by recognizable and subtle forms of subordination that can directly control individuals’ actions, shift their perspectives, and cause them to act against their own interests. When workers are not conscious of the insidious impact of subtle subordination upon their attitudes, perspectives, and behavior, they are far less likely to resist. 相似文献
1000.
马来西亚是语言汇聚的国家,在各大族群语言中,以马来族群和华裔族群的语言接触最为明显.本文参考国内外有关华语和马来语的借用研究,采用比较的方法,进行华语借用马来语词汇以及马来语借用华语词汇的双向探讨.调查发现,华语和马来语之间的词汇互借有许多共同点,不但比较集中在闽南语和马来语,而且词汇类型也以生活化的事物名词为主,这是两种文化在复合型社会中自然交流的具体反映. 相似文献