坚守中医学核心内涵是高等中医教育的根本

中医学的核心内涵是病机的主体地位及其审证求因、审因论治的构建过程,表现为关系中心论;西医学的核心内涵是基于解剖学的靶点金标准,表现为实体中心论。中西医学的核心内涵是认识中西医学差异的出发点,也是消除当代高等中医教育所面临的困惑——公众不了解中医科学体系的前提。按照中医学的自身规律对现有的课程体系、教学内容和教学方法进行改革是解决上述困惑的必由之路,而中医学专业教师对于中医学核心内涵的把握是其中的关键。     

论邓小平与中华民族伟大复兴

邓小平领导中国人民开创中国特色社会主义新时代,他第一个提出先"建立小康社会",然后在建国100年基本实现社会主义现代化。他开辟改革开放的中国特色社会主义道路,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确发展方向的历史基础;创立中国特色社会主义理论体系之基的邓小平理论,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确指导思想的历史基础;始终坚持和发展而尚未完全明确其概念的中国特色社会主义制度,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了根本制度的历史基础;规划未来中国发展宏伟愿景,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确战略目标的历史基础。     

古代中国与东南亚中医药交流

古代中国与东南亚国家的中医药交流始于秦汉时期,结束于清朝前期。本文共分四个部分,前三个部分分别阐述秦汉魏晋、隋唐宋元以及明清三个阶段双方交流的方式及特点,最后论述中国与东南亚国家的中医药交流给双方带来的影响。     

东南亚华人身份定位与华商经营环境

第二次世界大战后东南亚国家的华族逐渐取得了当地公民权,但1998年5月的印尼种族骚乱又使人们怀疑起他们的身份定位问题。     

浅谈中国共产党的几个重大历史贡献

中国共产党在推动中国发生历史性巨变中 ,自身也得到了前所未有的大发展 ,并创立了毛泽东思想。     

悲伤情绪人群立冬节气表现特点分析

目的探索非疾病悲伤情绪大学生立冬节气的躯体、情绪和人格表现特点及其相互的关联性,从中医角度讨论悲伤情绪的内在病机。方法运用自拟躯体健康状况调查问卷、贝克焦虑量表(Beck Anxiety Inventory,BAI)、贝克抑郁量表(Beck Depression Inventory,BDI)及艾森克人格问卷简式量表(Eysenck Personality Questionnaire-Revise Short Scale for Chinese,EPQ-RSC)作为测评工具,在立冬节气对中医院校大学生的悲伤情绪进行问卷调查。结果 308例被试者中,共有169例存在悲伤情绪。在躯体健康状况调查问卷的躯体总分、精神情绪总分,BAI评分,BDI评分,以及EPQ-RSC的多个因子方面,男性和女性悲伤被试者与不悲伤者比较,差异均具有统计学意义(P0.05,或P0.01)。169例悲伤被试者中,出现频率大于50%的躯体不适条目有口干、头部不适、疲乏无力、怕冷、咽部不适和善太息;有3%的被试者存在焦虑情绪,21.3%的被试者存在抑郁情绪,悲伤者合并有注意力下降、郁闷和烦躁等精神情绪失调。女性悲伤被试者EPQ-RSC量表的P、N因子评分显著高于不悲伤者,L因子评分显著低于不悲伤者;男性悲伤被试者EPQRSC量表的E因子评分显著低于不悲伤者(P0.01)。经Pearson相关分析发现,悲伤情绪评分与BAI、BDI及躯体健康亚量表的一些条目评分存在显著相关性。结论悲伤情绪者具有一定程度的躯体不适,合并有较多的情绪失调,人格特质具有性别差异性。悲伤情绪者的病机为肝郁脾虚、胃脘气滞、气机失调。     

中国现代政党制度的发生学考察

中国政党制度在从资本主义政党制度向社会主义政党制度的现代转型中,经历了以资产阶级政党制度为主要内容的旧民主主义革命阶段、以国共两党围绕民主联合政府展开斗争合作为主要内容的新民主主义革命阶段和共产党领导的多党合作制度阶段。本文据此侧重从中国现代政党制度前史和毛泽东有关政党制度的两个文本的角度对中国现代政党制度作了发生学的考察,并由此得出了中国现代政党制度的经验和启示。     

"五族共和"思想的内涵与实质探析

"五族共和"思想包括共和政体下"国家之统一"、"民族之统一"和民族(种族)平等三重含义.孙中山代表南京临时政府对"五族共和"思想及其政策主张的表述来自此前"共和统一会"对"统一"的解释.由于辛亥革命胜利后,资产阶级认为国内的种族不平等和政治不平等问题均已解决,因此,"五族共和"思想表现在民族问题上的实质属于资产阶级性质的民族同化,通过民族同化从而实现民族的统一.     

Sino-Ghana bilateral relations and Chinese migrants’ illegal gold mining in Ghana

ABSTRACT

This article examines the participation of some Chinese migrants in illegal gold mining (known as galamsey) in Ghana, and how the Government’s policy to address the issue created diplomatic tension between China and Ghana. Drawing on primary data from in-depth, face-to-face interviews with 250 respondents and supplementary information from archival sources and personal observation, the study found that small-scale gold mining is an area legally reserved for Ghanaian indigenes, who faced stern competition from some Chinese migrants’ miners. Their ability to mobilize resources and machinery to execute galamsey virtually displaced the indigenes from their source of livelihood and caused environmental catastrophes. The Ghana Government’s policy response to the Chinese migrants’ galamsey, which led to arrests, sentencing and deportations of some Chinese miners, angered Beijing and fractured Ghana–China diplomatic ties. But the dispute could not collapse the entrenched bilateral relations between the two nations because the calculated mutual benefit derived from the relations was thought to be higher than the Chinese galamsey issue. Policy reforms which legally integrate Chinese migrants’ miners into the small-scale mining sector would stop galamsey and strengthen Sino-Ghana relations.     

Mobilizing party activism: A field experiment with party members and sympathizers

Electoral mobilization and persuasion are often characterized as two-stage processes, where parties activate their core supporters, who then mobilize and persuade larger shares of the electorate. While there is a lot of research on the second stage of this process, the mobilization and persuasion of the wider electorate by party activists, there is little causally identified evidence on whether party elites can encourage campaign activism among party members and sympathizers. To address this question, we conducted a randomized field experiment in cooperation with the Swiss Social Democratic Party in the context of the 2015 cantonal elections in Ticino. The experiment consisted of the randomized administration of telephone calls to members and strong supporters of the party, while their self-reported campaign activism and attitudes towards the campaign were measured in a two-wave online panel survey. Against expectations, we record null effects on various measures of campaign activism, including on the mobilization of relatives, and friends. The results raise questions about omitted variable bias in observational studies of party activism that consistently report large positive effects of party contact on the campaign activism of members and sympathizers.