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In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia. 相似文献
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《Politics & Policy》2018,46(4):604-629
Governing contemporary public services across industrialized countries typically draws on a mix of different modes of governance. The literature on governance has raised the issue of the specific coexistences between different modes of governance. The focus is on fits and clashes, whereas there is less attention on situations, where different modes of governance do not connect. The contribution of the present article is to more systematically account for the “what” and “why” of such “gaps.” What are their specific characteristics? How can their existence be explained? Based on a critical case study of supporting coordination in public health services in Québec, the article argues: that gaps in the coexistence between different modes of governance can be thought of as disconnects in the management of public services; and that this reflects a de facto lack of governance capacity to connect different modes of governance to each other. 相似文献
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《Asian Politics & Policy》2017,9(2):289-309
By employing role theory, this article shall argue that changes in Malaysia's national role conceptions from Mahathir to Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak have contributed to the improvement of Malaysia‐Singapore relations in recent years. Under Mahathir, Malaysia's national role conception as a “close and important neighbor” to Singapore accentuated a “senior‐junior” distinction between Malaysia and Singapore. This led to a clash of national roles between Malaysia and Singapore and resulted in bilateral contentions. For Badawi and Najib, Malaysia is also a close and important neighbor to Singapore. However, both leaders have reconceptualized Malaysia's national role conception into an “important and symbiotic partner” to de‐emphasize Singapore as a negative “historical and significant other,” and promote cooperation to improve bilateral relations. Malaysia's additional role as an ASEAN member complements its symbiotic partnership with Singapore. 相似文献
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《Asian Politics & Policy》2017,9(1):99-121
The article discusses the postcolonial (i.e. post‐Soviet) transformations that have occurred among Central Siberia's indigenous groups. Ethnic identification processes among the Central Siberian Evenks, in particular, were on the rise during the Soviet period. The ethnic communities of Evenkia are now undergoing active stratification, with the emergence of a political elite known as “professional aborigines.” This political elite is more likely to include people with mixed backgrounds residing in urbanized settlements rather than pure Evenks living a nomadic lifestyle. “Professional aborigines” have clearly identifiable economic interests characteristic of the post‐Soviet market economy, including high corruption rates identified with so‐called “state capture.” 相似文献
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《Asian Politics & Policy》2017,9(2):202-221
South Korea undergoes frequent and large‐scale government reorganizations (GRs) that have generated social, administrative, and political problems; all of these have negative impacts on the quality of democracy by lowering people's satisfaction with their government. This article critically reviews past literature's major discussions on the quality of democracy and argues that well‐performing democratic governance that not only secures democratic principles but also develops governments’ ability to perform well is required for the enhancement of democratic quality. Drawing insight from the Centripetal Democratic Governance perspective, this article defines the core principles of this governance model as institutional consistency, authority, and inclusion, and analyzes key features of Korea's GR, focusing on the science and technology administration system. The research results show that the features not only align directly with the problems engendered by frequent GR but also go against the core principles of well‐performing democratic governance. Last, this article addresses the policy and theoretical implications of this finding. 相似文献
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张蓉蓉 《云南大学学报(法学版)》2006,19(4):57-60
中国—东盟的全面经济合作,是应经济全球化而产生的国际区域合作的又一新的成果,其“合作框架协议”是最基本的法制依据。而我国南方九省区加上香港、澳门两地的“泛珠三角区域合作”则是在一个国家之内,“一国两制”之下不同省区横向合作的机制创新,它不仅受到了国际区域经济合作创新的启示,而且顺应了整个社会区域整体发展的潮流。本文将在二者的实施框架机制方面进行一定的比较,欲为“泛珠三角区域合作”的法制建构献可替否。 相似文献