民事诉讼代表人制度中诉讼当事人制度论

我国现有的民事诉讼代表人制度中,将人数众多一方中的每个成员均视作诉讼当事人,但只将诉讼权利义务赋予代表人,被代表的当事人却无进行诉讼的权利和义务。这样的制度安排看似符合群体诉讼的特性要求,但却与民事诉讼制度原理相悖。考察相关国家的制度安排,发现我国现有代表人制度中的诉讼当事人确定既阻碍了诉讼当事人平等原则的贯彻,又不能使代表人充分进行诉讼,从而成为该制度不能被广泛适用的先天缺陷之一。因此,作为解决群体纠纷的诉讼机制,代表人制度中诉讼当事人的选择,既要满足群体诉讼的特殊要求,又应契合民事诉讼当事人制度原理的运行机制。     

论副省级城市和省会城市党委的党内法规制定权

副省级城市和省会城市党内法规制定试点,意味着党内法规制定权开始下移。虽然《关于加强党内法规制度建设的意见》对试点党内法规的制定权进行了限制,但其具体范畴尚待明晰。副省级城市和省会城市党内法规制定权面临着与市级立法权的关系,以及与省级党内法规制定权限的划分两方面难题。确立地方专属党内法规制定权或采取辅助原则不符合党内法规体系的制度特征。市级党内法规与市级立法是横向关系,运用协同治理理论可确保党规与立法在地方层面的衔接协调;市级党内法规与省级党内法规是纵向关系,特别权力关系理论对市级党内法规的服从性与自主性提出了要求。     

The couple relationship when the female partner has an acquired physical disability

ABSTRACT

‘Whereas the couple relationship is described to be the relationship which is typically the most impacted by disability, spousal support is presented to be the most important form of support following such. To date little is known about the exchange of support and the impact of an acquired physical disability on the couple relationship, especially when considering the perspectives of both partners. Taking a feminist, a resilience and a systemic perspective, this paper seeks to address these gaps by presenting the stories told by three heterosexual couples in whom the females sustained an acquired locomotor disability in the course of the relationship. Individual and joint semi-structured interviews were held with each participating couple. The aim was to systemically understand how the beliefs, ideas and attitudes of each partner mutually contributed to the resilience and maintenance of the couple unit over time, taking also into consideration the contextual factors which helped or hindered the couples in this process.Thematic narrative analysis of the stories told showed how coping post-disability was brought about by mutual and reciprocal circular patterns of interaction initiated and maintained within the couple relationship and influenced by the socio-cultural context. Whereas it was difficult to decipher which party had started off these processes, their occurrence over time limited the burden experienced by both parties because of the disability. The females in this study were empathic and endowed with a sense of gratitude whilst the males were caring and supportive. Both parties were determined to help each other in times of need and to survive the disability ordeal as a couple even if this entailed self-sacrifice and adjustment. Such research presents novel insights about couples impacted by an acquired locomotor disability and the practices and interventions which practitioners, clinicians and policy makers can adopt in supporting couples following such’.     

浅论医疗投诉之法律监督与权利救济

医疗机构、医务人员和患者是医疗卫生法律明确规定的利益共同体,但从部分法院近期裁判情况看,各地在认定患者是否具备行政诉讼原告资格方面存在明显差异。结合新《行政诉讼法》调整原告资格的双重背景和最高人民法院裁判精神,在医患关系有待改善和卫生执法水平尚待提高的情况下,应充分肯定患者与医疗投诉处理结果的利害关系,以发挥司法审判和复议审查在推动提升卫生执法水平与保障群众健康权益方面的双轮驱动作用。     

辽帝国的国家安全思想研究

9世纪末10世纪初，契丹族建立了中国历史上横跨东北亚和内陆亚洲的庞大帝国——辽帝国。作为由游牧民族建立起的多民族中央集权制国家，辽帝国探索出了一套以“因俗而治”和“一国二元”体制为制度框架的国家政治和以农耕与游牧并重的国家安全思想。为了构建以辽帝国为中心的世界秩序，辽帝国实行和战并用，以儒家德治思想为对外安全的指导思想，构建多层次的羁縻、封贡、宗藩体系以拱卫辽帝国的安全发展，不仅确立了对宋朝的外交优势，且先后使东亚的高丽和西夏以及内陆亚洲的高昌回鹘、喀拉汗王朝、花剌子模等向其朝贡，建立以辽帝国为中心的宗藩体系。故辽之所以“雄长二百年”，皆因虽尚武，但注重儒家德治教化，处“四战之地”而能应对得宜。为了维护西北边疆安全和保障从内陆亚洲到东亚丝绸之路的畅通，辽帝国对漠北蒙古高原进行军事征伐，征抚并用，在镇州设立西北路招讨司，设立一系列边防城池，以建立边疆安全的防御体系，并采用屯田和移民实边等方式展开对漠北蒙古和西北边疆的经略，从而建立了西北边疆安全防御体系，保障了从漠北蒙古到西域乃至欧洲的草原丝绸之路的畅通。     

习近平劳动观的辨证维度探析

习近平劳动观是习近平总书记运用辩证思维分析劳动而形成的关于劳动与劳动者的完整的系统 的看法与观点，是对马克思主义劳动观的继承与发展。习近平总书记在肯定劳动对于国家发展的伟大意义，提 倡劳动者积极参加劳动实践，保持艰苦奋斗、淡泊名利的劳动本色的同时，更加重视劳动者的主体地位，更加 关注劳动者个人的发展。强调劳动在个人发展过程中的重要作用，鼓励劳动者通过理论学习提高劳动水平，要 求国家与政府为劳动者提供完善的劳动保障，教育全社会崇尚劳动，尊重劳动者。这体现了国家发展与个人发展， 劳动实践与理论学习，艰苦奋斗与劳动保障，淡泊名利与尊重劳动之间的辩证关系。     

Strengthening the inner circle: the marriage networks of elite families in Joseon Korea

ABSTRACT

Socioeconomic homogamy is a prominent process for reproducing the social structure in preindustrial societies including East Asian countries. Although Joseon Korea was a centralized bureaucratic state under a king, the stratification system was unique by its ambiguity such that the previlege of an upper class was not officially confirmed. Since the social status was rather conferred by the reputation of the family, the quality of marriage relation was important for a man to be ranked as a central official. In this paper, we investigate patterns of social homogamy among elite families in the early Joseon Korea through empirical evidence of the relationship between official rank and spousal family background. We created a novel dataset by compiling the marriage network and official rank information of 14,508 individuals from the jokbos (族譜, genealogy) of 15 elite families and conduct an ordinal logit regression analysis to investigate whether spousal family background increases the probability of an individual being promoted in the bureaucracy. We find that the socio-political power of affinal kin has a greater effect on promotions than the descent and meritocratic effects. Particularly, the empirical evidence shows that marrying into a queen consort’s family increased the likelihood of an individual being ranked in a high position, which was beneficial for retaining the political power of him and the family. The study shows that marriage as a means of managing the socio-political inner circle of elite families, shaping the elites’ socio-political inner circle, built on the marriage network around a queen consort’s family to benefit the royal authority and the elite group.     

构建沂蒙良好政治生态的路径选择

中国共产党是沂蒙政治生态的风气主导者和引领者,人民群众是沂蒙政治生态的最终受益者。沂蒙政治生态建设是"水乳交融、生死与共"党群关系的实践结晶,中国共产党和沂蒙人民是沂蒙政治生态建设的具体承载和有效载体。进入新时代,研讨构建沂蒙政治生态的时代价值和作用发挥空间,对于进一步推动党建工作具有重要的启示作用。     

Social Media and the Paradox of Fear: An Exploratory Study of Political Relationship Marketing Within South Wales

This paper explores the key challenges of social media use by politicians in relation to political relationship marketing. Utilising a case study of the online footprint left by Welsh politicians and their attitude towards social media based on three business based rationales – engagement, level of control, and return on investment – the paper offers an expanded conception of the perceptions and fears influencing the use of social media by politicians in terms of political relationship marketing. The article concludes with some critical thoughts regarding the understanding of relationship marketing principles by politicians.     

Childhood bads,parenting goods,and the right to procreate

Abstract

Harry Brighouse and Adam Swift, together with many other philosophers, think that adults’ interests in raising a child can give them a moral right to parent when they will be adequate parents. We consider whether the same interest could give such adults a moral right to procreate, as a means of acquiring a child to raise. We argue that the interest in parenting cannot support a right to procreate, because the features of childhood that make parenting uniquely valuable for adults are bad for children. Adults may have a right to procreate, but they do not have that right due to their interest in a parent–child relationship.