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211.
In this paper, we assess the drivers of, and prospects for, further security cooperation in the Australia–Japan bilateral relationship. We argue that while balance of threat and capability gaps may restrain the pace of deepening Australian-Japan security relations, these gaps are diminishing and are, in any case, secondary to the specific shared interests we posit as the primary drivers of Australia–Japan security cooperation. These specific interests, however, are shaped not only by a commitment in both countries to liberal-based principles and freedoms at home and in inter-state relations, but also by a common awareness of the importance of continued US primacy to the ongoing maintenance of those interests. Thus, in the absence of any fundamental change in how Australia and Japan understand their respective interests and the US role in the region, Donald Trump's recent and unexpected election as US president notwithstanding, we conclude that the case for further security cooperation – via additional cross-bracing of their respective US alliance relationships – will almost certainly remain compelling for both countries. 相似文献
212.
《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2012,34(2):121-134
The United Nations' response to violence against women was to adopt the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women in December, 1993 that recognized indigenous women to be especially vulnerable to violence. Australia's initiatives during the 1990s included criminal justice reform, crisis service provision and community-based mediation programmes that have not proved altogether helpful for indigenous women. Given the intractable nature of violence against indigenous women, this paper holds that community-based programmes cannot work in isolation from criminal justice intervention. An approach to male-to-female violence, that views the criminal justice system not only as a means of punishment, but also as an institution for expressing human rights norms is advocated. 相似文献
213.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):24-40
One Nation, the Australian anti-immigration political party, was not created by, nor has it ever been controlled by, organized racist groups, but it has had extensive, although mostly informal, ties with them. These have ranged from the promotion of One Nation by racist groups and their leaders to some of their members holding positions within the party. One Nation has never taken action against the involvement in the party of racist groups, both because it needed the support of those groups in establishing the party and because of a convergence of interests. Ultimately, however, these ties have played a major role in the destabilization of One Nation. 相似文献
214.
冉云梅 《北京政法职业学院学报》2007,51(1):58-62
澳大利亚法律体系属于英美法系,各州从20世纪70年代逐渐开始设立独立的检察机构。笔者通过在新南威尔士州检察总署实习培训期间的调研,对澳大利亚检察机构的设置及其职权、检察官的设置及其管理、证人服务机构以及检察机关与其他国家机关的关系作以阐述。 相似文献
215.
Li Li 《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(28)
正After living in Beijing for more than a decade,Elyse Ribbons,who grew up in Detroit,Michigan,con-siders herself a true Beijinger.Ribbons,who speaks fluent Mandarin,founded a theater company in Beijing in 2007 and is also a playwright,radio talk show host-ess and actress.Ribbons was excited to learn that 相似文献
216.
Thi Thuy Hang Nguyen 《亚洲事务》2017,48(2):313-333
Traditionally seen as a President consumed by the war on terror, George W. Bush is frequently portrayed as being relatively uninterested in Asia, and unable to outline a vision or a strategy to China, America’s Asian allies and Asian multilateral mechanisms. This article will revisit Bush’s policy on Asia and show a president who guided the United States with a policy that balanced the need to combat global terrorism and locate a focus on Asia. He faced the dilemmas of building cooperative relations with a rising China while trying to foster American alliances and partnerships in Asia, and managing the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Utilizing qualitative content analysis as the main research method, the article will demonstrate that the Bush administration had not a lack of focus on Asia and that Bush’s diplomacy to Asia should be recognized as one of the most significant achievements of his presidency. 相似文献
217.
218.
澳大利亚科研管理由政府统筹,立法完备、体制健全、程序公开,强调以绩效评估及审计等方式对科研经费开展预防为主的监管,科研产出效率高。研究借鉴澳大利亚的科研经费监管做法,在我国形成统一的制度和诚信立法、明确监督机构职责、加强科研评估和审计,对于提高我国科研经费使用的效率和效益,有着十分重要的现实意义。 相似文献
219.
Worries about weakening community are central to assessments of modern Australia, yet it is easy to overlook the everyday ways we “do” and participate in community life. Book clubs are one area of community participation largely ignored by researchers despite the local and national proliferation of such clubs. Surveying twenty-two book groups and ninety-seven book club members, this study investigates the roles that book clubs play in the cultural and community life of a regional area of Tasmania. The results show that book clubs promote regular intellectual engagement and provide for a distinct female sociality that consolidates and creates new social connections and function as everyday “escape attempts” from the obligations of work and family. We suggest that the support and development of local book club programs may have considerable potential as a strategy for Australian governments and communities to foster a sense of community. 相似文献
220.
David Indermaur 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1995,11(3):247-270
This paper examines Australian and West Australian trends in robbery, assault, and burglary. Police figures are contrasted with the results of Australian victimization surveys. The limitations of Australian victimization surveys are discussed. The results of Australian victimization surveys are contrasted with the results of the National Crime Survey in the United States and the International Crime Victim Survey. When all the qualifications are considered, it is concluded that there has been a trend upward in burglary and robbery prevalence and that this upward trend occurred mainly in the 1980s. However, because there is little evidence of a concomitant rise in the assault rate, the increasing prevalence of robbery and burglary is interpreted as reflecting social phenomena that are associated with acquisitiveness rather than aggressiveness. Other evidence pertaining to the level of violence in Australia is considered and it is concluded that this is insufficient to allow a conclusion that we are, as a nation, becoming more violent. 相似文献