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11.
大学生网络道德教育初探   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
网络道德教育是新时期高校思想政治工作领域的一个重要课题,通过对网络道德教育重要性、必要性的论述,分析网络对当代大学生的负面效应,并对如何加强大学生的网络道德教育提出了对策。  相似文献   
12.
网络的飞速发展给传统版权提出了极大的挑战 ,加强这方面的研究和立法已成当务之急。文章就网络环境下不同的作品著作权的归属进行论述。  相似文献   
13.
我国的移动互联网时代已经到来,反腐倡廉教育要主动融入时代潮流,积极运用现代科技,不断创新路径与方法。应根据移动互联网的实体性特点,开展个性化的教育;根据移动互联网的实时性特点,开展即时化的教育;根据移动互联网的开放性特点,开展互动化的教育;根据移动互联网的粘合性特点,开展增值化的教育。要充分发挥移动互联网在反腐倡廉教育中的重要作用,需要大力提高对移动互联网运用的重视程度,强化组织推进;需要加强资源整合,形成整体合力;需要完善监控机制,注重效果实现。  相似文献   
14.
2019年中国刑法实施报告   总被引:6,自引:6,他引:0  
2019年是新中国成立70周年的伟大日子。70年来,在中国的刑事法治建设取得长足发展的同时,中国刑法学在始终恪守重视基础理论的总结、创新与完善的基础上,亦更加主动地回应社会现实关切的热点、疑点、难点问题,彰显出鲜明的时代特色,凸显出刑法积极参与社会治理的重要功能,弘扬了新时代我国刑法学鲜明的问题意识与自主意识。相较以往,2019年度刑事犯罪在涉众型、风险型、科技型等领域较为突出,呈现出涉案金额巨大、危害面广、手法多样且不断翻新等特点。2019年度刑法实施报告主要将以下七个板块作为研究重点:新中国成立七十年刑事法治和刑法理论的变迁与反思、正当防卫制度的适用与完善、"扫黑除恶"专项斗争、人工智能时代刑法挑战的前瞻应对、互联网金融领域腐败犯罪治理防范问题、认罪认罚从宽制度实体适用问题及民刑交叉、行刑衔接等问题。  相似文献   
15.
Since 1989, many of the former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have made the dramatic change from communist regimes to democratic nations that are integrated in the European sphere. While these sweeping changes have given rise to a successful transition to democracy unlike any the world has ever seen, there remain issues with governance as well as citizen support for the regime. While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media effects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE.  相似文献   
16.
The ‘pinkification’ of breast cancer culture in recent years conflates women’s empowerment with the celebration of hyperfemininity. Consistent with this trend, reconstructive surgery post-mastectomy is increasingly normalised: restoring the breasts is to restore ‘lost’ femininity. Contextualised within the pressures of this normalisation, our article explores how women who decide against breast reconstruction negotiate their non-normative ‘flat’ bodies. We examine women’s posts in a breast cancer forum about their refusals of breast reconstruction. Using thematic and feminist post-structuralist analyses, we suggest that although health and body acceptance discourses enable resistance to embodied femininity norms, pressures to conform permeate practices related to appearance. Clothes and prosthetic breasts enabled forum participants to pass as ‘healthy’, ‘whole’, and ‘recovered’. The study’s findings emphasise the limitations to agency and resistance that emanate from the ways constraining gender discourses infiltrate every aspect of a woman’s life. In line with a critical awareness approach to breast cancer education, we discuss the possibilities of resistance afforded by the safe spaces of online communities.  相似文献   
17.
Do online and offline voters differ in terms of policy preferences? The growth of Internet voting in recent years has opened up new channels of participation. Whether or not political outcomes change as a consequence of new modes of voting is an open question. Here we analyze all the votes cast both offline (n = 5.7 million) and online (n = 1.3 million) and compare the actual vote choices in a public policy referendum, the world's largest participatory budgeting process, in Rio Grande do Sul in June 2014. In addition to examining aggregate outcomes, we also conducted two surveys to better understand the demographic profiles of who chooses to vote online and offline. We find that policy preferences of online and offline voters are no different, even though our data suggest important demographic differences between offline and online voters.  相似文献   
18.
The paper addresses an ingenious way by which Chinese netizens manage to reach their intended audiences under the radar of censors surveying the Internet in China. One specifically Chinese social use of language in this respect is the option to express criticism by using inoffensive characters that share the same or similar pronunciation with politically sensitive phrasing. We identify this type of expression as homophone phrase substitution (HPS). The device has been part of Chinese since ancient times under the name political metaphor. We address the main constraints at work in HPS, especially the role of voice (prosodic contour) that guides the construction of two divergent kinds of aboutness. Leaving aside its critical function in contemporary society, by contrasting HPS with verbal irony, metaphor, and Australian rhyming slang, and by drawing on semiologie and semiotics, indirect speech acts and implicit deixis, we suggest that this linguistic option throws new light on the semantic/pragmatic distinction.  相似文献   
19.
近年来,网络平台与网约工的劳动纠纷开始显现在司法实务中。面对类似纠纷,法院采取了不同的立场。尽管网约用工打破了过去"单一企业对应单一员工"的劳动关系模式,但根据现行法律,仅凭合作协议难以认定网络平台与网约工存在劳动关系。一方面应当区分网约工与网络平台签订劳动合同、网络平台与其它企业进行合作、网络平台直接与网约工签订合作协议三种形式,另一方面应当在司法实践中对"各项劳动规章制度适用"、"受劳动管理"、"从事用人单位安排的有报酬的劳动"进行统一规范解释。最后应当在司法经验基础上根据"互联网+"背景下共享经济的特点完善劳动法。  相似文献   
20.
当前,"互联网+"已经升级为中国国家战略,政府出台政策号召群团组织要拥抱互联网,中华全国总工会积极推动互联网与工会工作例如企业民主管理相融合,互联网正逐渐打破传统企业民主管理政治参与现状,职工由被动参与向主动参与转变,由部分参与向全部参与转变,互联网助推中国企业民主管理回归产业民主实质。  相似文献   
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