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71.
郗润昌 《江南社会学院学报》2003,5(2):24-27
美国是在特定的国际背景下发动伊拉克战争的。而新兴工业革命时代的到来及美国将高新技术产业化 ,进一步增强了其超级大国的经济与军事的实力地位。美国对伊动武 ,是实现其构建帝国战略目标的重要步骤 ;具体到伊拉克 ,则旨在那里用枪杆子输出美式民主制度 ,争夺石油仅为其次要目的。美国发动伊拉克战争 ,将严重动摇联合国的地位 ,已经并有可能进一步在联合国内形成欧洲大陆轴心和大洋轴心之争 相似文献
72.
当新闻成为武器之后 --伊拉克战争与当前军事新闻传播现象的理论思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
戴俊潭 《南京政治学院学报》2003,19(5):111-114
伊拉克战争预示着战争正在告别传统进入后现代,它以新的作战理念与游戏规则为军事新闻传播活动带来不同往昔的影响军事新闻传播是以事实第一性还是利益第一性为原则?军事新闻的正义诉求与大众媒介的娱乐化消解构成何种关系?当国家利益在力量游戏中被合法化后,新闻自由以何种形式实现?这些不能不引起人们的深入思考. 相似文献
73.
There have been relatively few backbench rebellions on the Conservative benches in the Commons since 2001, but division manifested itself on three significant occasions: over the Children and Adoption Bill (when the leadership insisted on applying a whip to a vote that many thought should have been 'free'), over Lords reform (where on a free vote a majority of Conservative MPs voted against their leadership's preferred position) and over Iraq (where the divisions were smaller than on the Labour side of the House but where there was a qualitative dimension to the rebellion). Most importantly of all, the events of October 2003, when Iain Duncan Smith was removed as party leader, showed how much power remained with Conservative MPs: they initiated the vote of confidence, in which they alone participated, and the emergence of Michael Howard as the 'unity' candidate meant that the grassroots were denied any role in the change of leadership. 相似文献
74.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):27-45
This essay discusses several issues involving the theory of post-conflict reconstruction, and suggests that the concepts of reconstruction and of economic development be carefully kept apart. It explores the question of what moral and legal obligations to reconstruction the occupiers incur. Using Iraq as a case study it presents two scenarios for reconstruction: a ‘triage’ approach which relies heavily on prioritization and recognition of inherent limitations, and a ‘scattergun’ approach, exemplified by current efforts in Iraq. The latter, the essay concludes, is ineffective as a tool for reconstruction. Reconstruction has its own intrinsic merits, but using it to win the ‘hearts and minds’ of a population in order to gain support for the occupiers is unlikely to succeed. 相似文献
75.
《Journal of Political Marketing》2013,12(2-3):91-114
Abstract This article begins by arguing that the image of a political party is of strategic importance in its pursuit of electoral success. More specifically, it is argued that important influences on party image are ‘politically relevant’ events. The paper then develops a conceptual model of how the images of political parties are influenced by such events. It considers internal and external factors that influence the power of a given event to affect party image. Next, the process of image transfer itself is discussed along with the factors that influence the way credit/ blame is apportioned from an event. Then, ways of dealing with ‘negative’ events are considered. The overall model is used to analyse a specific political event (the Iraq war) and assess its likely impact on party image. The article concludes by assessing the model's efficacy and limitations in analysing the case used and with events per se. Finally, future research ideas prompted by the paper are discussed. 相似文献
76.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(2):145-158
Much that has been written on evangelicals in the United States concerns their impact on domestic politics. But the election of George W. Bush has resulted in a new importance for the relationship between evangelicals and US foreign policy. This has become particularly clear following the 11 September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Three issues deserve further study. One is evangelicals’ attitude to Islam. The second involves the relationship between evangelicals and Israel. The third concerns the stance of evangelicals towards war with Iraq. Through an examination of these three issues, Durham explores a number of important questions, ranging from the relationship of evangelicals’ theology and their politics to their partly supportive, partly critical attitude towards an administration itself led by an evangelical. Many evangelicals see the ‘war against terror’ as a war against Islam and unreservedly approve of Israeli policy, and many supported the launch of war in Iraq. Yet evangelicalism is not a monolith and, with regard to its disputes over how to respond to the ‘threat’ of Islam or what view to take of the Israel–Palestine conflict, Durham offers new insights into a powerful voting bloc and source of pressure within US politics. 相似文献
77.
明朝时期史籍对台湾的记载有不同的称谓 ,“琉球”指的是今台中以南地区 ;“鸡笼”指的是今台北之基隆市 ;台湾的称谓则出自闽音“台员” ,指的是今台北。这一时期 ,台湾与明中央王朝有着亲密的“封贡”关系。有明一代 ,台湾的历史是一部日本“倭寇”及荷兰、西班牙殖民主义者入侵和大陆与台湾人民反抗侵略的历史。至清顺治十八年 (16 6 1年 )郑成功收复台湾建立政权 ,此后台湾得到更进一步的开发和发展。 相似文献
78.
“嵌入媒体”是美军在伊拉克战争中首创的一种舆论战战法。根据这一战法,在战争与媒体的关系上,军队不再使用堵截的思维来控制媒体,而是采取一种合作的方式来影响媒体,通过一种开放的“互利”方式,成功地设定媒体的议程。 相似文献
79.
After uprooting Saddam Hussein from power, establishing democracy in Iraq has been declared among the most important objectives of the U.S.-led Coalition. However, the Coalition has encountered complex ethnic and religious relations and resentment of foreign intervention in Iraq. These reactions reflect decades, even centuries, of divisive and antagonistic policies whose impacts continue to complicate and threaten coexistence and civil peace. The immediate challenge of achieving stability and peace in Iraq, therefore, rests in the ability to foster a genuinely indigenous institutional political structure that can accommodate the different ethnic and sectarian aspirations. This article highlights the major potential shortcomings of the federal model established by the "Law of Administration for the State of Iraq for The Transitional Period." It also examines the shortcomings of the List Proportional Representation system as presented by the United Nations for Iraq's transition, and alternatively proposes national electoral reform strategies, with the implementation of an Alternative Vote system with Minority Provision in the election to the National Assembly, as a means to strengthen Iraq's national unity. 相似文献
80.