Environmental Stressors and Food Security in China

This article considers the immediate forces influencing China’s food system and food security. By immediate is meant events of the reform period, from the late 1970s to 2008. It begins by asking the question that has preoccupied specialists since the publication of Lester Brown’s Who Will Feed China? in 1995: How much arable land does China have? Is that land area sufficient to insure grain sufficiency? To insure food security? The article focuses on the human pressures on the food production environment, and then treats the effects of socioeconomic change: land, air, and water degradation. The core of the article examines six responses of the state to both perceived and actual environmental stressors: policy restricting arable land conversion, China’s one-child policy, investment in irrigation systems, the South–North Water Diversion Project, large-scale afforestation and reforestation campaigns, and the program to convert marginal agricultural lands to forests and grasslands.     

浅析诺思的制度变迁理论

诺思对制度及制度变迁的研究，始于新制度经济学，并最终通过对新古典范式的超越而达到自我完满。他把新古典经济学所舍弃掉的企业制度、产权制度、国家和法律制度、意识形态等制度现象纳入到了经济学分析的框架之内，运用成本一收益分析法和供求均衡分析法来分析制度的变迁，形成特色的制度变迁理论体系。但“理性经济人”假设和“边际分析”方法以及渐进式的制度变迁形式都存在着不可回避的局限性。     

Cheap talk,costly talk,crazy talk: patterns in North Korea’s English language propaganda*

This article examines the patterns in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (North Korea’s) use of hostile rhetoric in its internationally-directed messaging. The article first places North Korea’s belligerent rhetoric in the context of that country’s capacity to threaten the US and its Northeast Asian allies; indeed many analysts worry that Pyongyang’s rhetoric represents a conflict escalation risk or even a casus belli. Following this, the article discusses the common explanations – irrationality/incompetence, lack of audience costs, inter alia – for why the North Korean regime employs such hostile rhetoric, and finds these explanations wrong or misleading. The main analysis section describes the results of a study of 10 years of English-language propaganda published by the KCNA (North Korea’s state news agency). A multiple regression model is used to test the relationship between North Korea’s hostile rhetoric and a set of independent variables. The statistical tests indicate a mixed correlation of North Korean rhetoric to the independent variables. One major finding is that there is no correlation between hostile North Korean rhetoric and the country’s kinetic provocations. The conclusion discusses the role that North Korea’s rhetoric plays within the country’s larger adversarial relationship to the US, South Korea, and Japan.     

Why is there no securitisation theory in the Korean nuclear crisis?

Despite the fact that the Korean nuclear crisis is one of the most protracted security issues in the world, the research analysing the crisis from the perspective of securitisation theory is curiously absent. This article attempts to pin down some distinguishing features of South Korea’s securitisation of the nuclear threat posed by North Korea, thereby investigating why one rarely sees the implications of securitisation theory in the way that the Copenhagen School theorists would suggest. Borrowing the key components of securitisation theory—existential threats, referent objects and extraordinary measures—this article suggests three elusive characteristics of the South Korean actors’ speech acts as sources highlighting the dilemma. To make the article’s arguments clearer, I hold Floyd’s classification of securitisation theory, which separated the securitisation process into two different stages: securitising move and security practice. While acknowledging the importance of the differences between illocution and perlocution in a securitisation process, this article takes this logic one step further by suggesting the limits of the perlocutionary effect in making the securitisation process complete.     

王宠惠与朝鲜独立

王宠惠是国民党元老、著名法学家和外交家,抗战时期任外交部部长和国防最高委员会秘书长,是蒋介石的首席外交顾问,陪同蒋介石出席了开罗会议,拟订了朝鲜独立和中国在朝鲜独立问题上的各种行动方案,殚精竭虑促使国际社会承认朝鲜独立,为战后朝鲜独立做出了重要贡献。     

Bounding the Commons: Land Demarcation in Northeastern Nicaragua

In north-eastern Nicaragua, territorial titling of communal lands conflates particular notions of ethnicity with proprietary conceptions of space to generate new forms of conflict within and between indigenous and black communities, and with mestizo migrants. Notions of rights between competing groups, or within conflicting normative frameworks, become increasingly polemic during demarcation. While analysis of three land titling case studies demonstrates that results are socially contingent and place based, trends include: (a) power disparities; (b) tension between 'traditional' and 'modern' patterns of land tenure and resource rights; and (c) contradictions fed by international conservation agendas and neoliberal economic reforms. Combining critical actor-based analysis with practical policy critique our work illuminates how contestations over the bounding of communal territories contribute to social injustice.     

韩国经济发展现状及前景

目前，韩国经济状况良好，有能力消化外来冲击。韩国政府正大力推进经济结构改革，以克服其经济的脆弱点。韩国经济中长期发展前景光明。     

对朝鲜民主主义人民共和国引进外资的分析

朝鲜人民民主主义共和国在对外经贸合作中,曾在70年代至90年代期间实施了对外引资政策.目前,为了实现经济强国目标,正积极与世界各国建立外交联系,打破孤立状态,吸引外国资本,促进朝鲜经济发展.     

1492: The discovery of Japan

Columbus and the Discovery of Japan, by Richard Nelson. Royal Shakespeare Company, the Barbican Theatre, London, July 1992.     

危机后韩国经济面临的困境与出路

目前,韩国的实体经济保持着良好的恢复态势,就业、工资情况有所改善,基本实现了稳定物价的目标,维持经常收支黑字基调,金融市场趋于稳定,金融制度得到改善。但韩国经济面临着对外来冲击缺乏抵抗力,经济过度依赖特定产业,出口集中于少数国家,金融市场结构脆弱,就业的结构性问题加深等一系列的结构性问题,其出路在于采取内需拉动型的稳定增长模式,扩大产业群,构筑韩国特色的灵活安全的就业体系,构建支撑实体经济发展的安全的金融体系。