日本核损害赔偿制度及其与我国的比较

日本早在上个世纪60年代,就已建立了较为完善的原子能立法体系,因此才能在福岛核电站事故发生后较为从容地应对核损害赔偿问题.中国自上个世纪70年代起也开始发展和利用核能,与快速发展的核能事业不相符的是,我国关于核损害赔偿的法律制度仍然处于缺失状态,如何对可能发生的核事故进行及时、有效的赔偿是未来我国核能发展面临的重要课题.因此,我们有必要在比较研究外国立法的基础之上来修正我国的立法.     

试析美国奥巴马政府的核不扩散政策

奥巴马政府上台后,美国核不扩散政策出现了重要转变。这一转变既是奥巴马政府对布什政府核不扩散政策进行反思的结果,又是修复美国国际形象和维护其世界领导地位的战略需要,更是美国对朝鲜和伊朗的核开发问题施加压力的一种手段。奥巴马政府对美国核不扩散政策的调整,有利于国际核军控工作走上正轨;将对中国产生多重影响;对地区核问题的解决所产生的效果具有不确定性。     

Carl Graap and the Formation of Weimar Foreign Policy Toward Soviet Russia from 1919 until Rapallo

Even though the conviction that Russia was evolving in a more moderate direction was an important underlying assumption of German policy in the months leading up to the Treaty of Rapallo, it has been essentially ignored in the scholarship on Rapallo. Equally ignored is the central role played by Carl Graap in promoting this assumption in Berlin. This article aims toward filling this gap and toward improving our understanding of the relationship between Germany and Russia in the twentieth century in general and in the period from 1919 to 1922 in particular.     

独联体集体安全条约组织安全合作模式分析

集体安全条约组织(ОДКБ)是独联体地区最重要的安全合作组织,目前学术界对该组织是否为"集体安全"机制存在较大争议,本文通过对集体安全条约组织的基本法律文献及其运行机制与内部结构的剖析,认为该组织实质上并非是"集体安全",而是"集体防御"机制。     

对条约在国际法中的地位、缺陷与发展趋势问题的探讨

在今天 ,随着国际社会各个成员之间的相互联系、相互依赖程度的不断加深 ,条约在国际法和国际关系中占有重要地位。可以说 ,一部国际法的产生和发展的历史 ,同时也是一部条约产生和发展的历史。由于条约具有能够快速、及时、明确地确定各类国际法主体之间的权利和义务关系的优点 ,条约已经成为当代国际法上的最重要的渊源。另外 ,条约不但是国际法主体参与国际关系和进行国际交换的主要工具 ,而且成为国际法主体解决彼此之间各种争端的必不可少的法律工具。最后 ,条约争端的解决机制既是对现行国际争端解决机制的发展 ,又有利于维护国际社会的和平与安全。但是 ,另一方面 ,不可否认的是 ,条约也存在诸多不大可能克服的缺陷 ,如条约的非普遍性、条约执行的非自动性以及条约往往不能得到很好的遵守和执行等等。     

六方会谈重启的必然性及难点分析

自朝鲜退出六方会谈以来,朝鲜半岛局势日趋紧张。深入分析朝鲜半岛时局变化特征,找出半岛危机频发的根源,采取合理的应对措施极为重要。由于朝鲜半岛时局危机频发,作为多边对话机制的六方会谈的重要性越来越突出,其意义已经超出和平解决朝核问题本身,成为维护地区局势稳定的需要。鉴于六方会谈有关各国立场和实际努力,六方会谈重启只是时间问题,重新开启六方会谈也将有效推动朝韩、朝美关系改善。     

Regulating electronic identity in the European Union: An analysis of the Lisbon Treaty’s competences and legal basis for eID

This paper discusses the feasibility of EU legal action in the field of electronic identity (eID) within the new distribution of legal competences and the provision of novel legal basis engendered by the Treaty of Lisbon. The article attempts to find a ‘legal anchor’ to the idea of a pan-European electronic identity within EU law, looking at the issues of competences and legal basis. After examining various different areas of competence and the most feasible (and probable) candidates for a legal basis supporting an EU legal framework for eID, the paper argues that the latter should be found in the combination of Article 16 TFEU (concerning the right to the protection of personal data) with Article 3 TUE, and Articles 26 and 114 TFEU (concerning the establishment and functioning of the Internal Market), which also constitute the area of competence where an eID legal initiative can be pursued.     

奠基早期美俄关系的《美俄商约》与詹姆斯·布坎南

1832年詹姆斯·布坎南作为美国驻俄公使来到圣彼得堡,并首度主持、签署了与俄国的《商贸与航海条约》。此前十余年美俄两国处于相互戒备状态。此约是美俄关系史上的第一份官方贸易条约,并一直持续到1912年,长期规范着美俄贸易,也引领了美俄早期商务关系,影响了两国的早期外交关系,甚至也影响了此后美国对俄长期的外交政策。詹姆斯·布坎南为此发挥了特殊作用。本文依据历史文献揭示了这段鲜为人知的历史进程及其演进的原因。     

State transformation goes nuclear: Chinese National Nuclear Companies’ expansion into Europe

Abstract

Most of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania.     

Revisiting Transnational European Consociationalism: The European Union a Decade After Lisbon

This article discusses the notion of consociationalism as applied to the EU and assesses whether the institutional and procedural changes introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) and by the management of the Euro and refugee crises still warrant considering the EU as a case of consociational democracy. Our contention is that the changes introduced by the ToL bore the promise to strengthen the consociational structural traits of the Union but that the further institutional and procedural changes engendered by the management of the Euro and refugee crises have made the behavioral dimension of consociationalism all the more necessary just as the accommodating orientation of the political elites had begun to evaporate. We support this argument by looking at empirical evidence which allows us to offer a set of propositions on the effects of the recent crises on the attitudes of the European elites towards the future of EU democracy.