A fateful weekend in 1921: at the crux of negotiations for an Anglo-Irish Treaty and an independent Irish parliament

This article highlights the stressful logistics of final negotiations for the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, a treaty that both ended the Irish war of independence (1919–21) and authorized the creation of the Irish Free State (1922). The treaty also confirmed a new international border which is still problematic today (not least in respect to the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union). Caught between dissidents in Dublin and experienced British ministerial negotiators in London, the ostensible plenipotentiaries of an Irish revolutionary government were obliged to rush back by rail and boat on a fraught mission to Ireland and then return immediately to London for final negotiations. The article lays bare the circumstances of that fateful weekend of 2-4 December 1921, two days after which the Irish team in London signed a controversial document that was to be contested in a civil war between different groups of Irish nationalists in 1922. The author argues that logistical pressures cannot be divorced from political tensions bearing down on negotiators.     

朝鲜核问题的三种解决前景与中国的政策选择

朝鲜核问题有三种发展变化前景:第一种前景,美国对朝发动军事打击,引发东北亚局部战争;第二种前景,通过谈判和平解决,朝放弃核武计划,美等有关国家向朝提供经济与安全补偿;第三种前景,朝在时机有利时突破核门槛,成为事实上的核国家。第一种前景和第三种前景都不符合中国的利益,中国应努力争取朝核问题循第二途解决。     

Sir John Bradbury and the Reparations Commission, 1920-25

This article looks at a neglected episode during the work of the Reparations Commission of 1920-25 leading up to the Dawes Plan of 1924, when the British delegate to the Commission, Sir John Bradbury, drew up a plan to reschedule German reparation payments in an attempt to take the venom out of the debate over these payments. It takes as its documentary basis the previously unpublished papers of Sir John in his role as Britain's representative on the Reparations Commission from 1920 to 1925. The article concludes that Bradbury's plan had the potential to defuse at least some of the problems encountered in the political and economic results of the reparations policy and that it made a significant contribution to the thinking that emerged in the Dawes Plan.     

核损害赔偿的基本原则

核能的和平发展和利用,是20世纪人类最重大的科技成就之一。核电站于上世纪50年代左右开始起步,到本世纪已经达到了商业化发展的水平,成为一种具有吸引力的能源。但是,核能的和平利用在给人类社会带来巨大好处的同时,也伴随着巨大的风险。随着前苏联切尔诺贝利和日本福岛等重大核事故的不断发生,核安全特别是核损害赔偿问题日益引起国际社会的广泛关注。通过对与核损害赔偿有关的国际公约和各国国内法进行系统整理,总结出核损害赔偿的基本原则,可为我国制定《核安全法》提供有益的经验。     

《世界知识产权组织音像表演条约》及其对我国著作权立法的影响

随着新技术的发展,现有的表演者权制度不能适应保护表演者利益的需要,世界知识产权组织拟定了《音像表演条约》对现有制度进行了改革,扩大了表演者的权利.我国著作权制度与该条约的规定存在一定的差异,不能充分保护表演者的利益,有必要对表演者的定义、表演者的精神权利和财产权利、权利的让与等问题进行修订,以促进我国文化产业的发展.     

黄芪甲苷通过调控Keap1-Nrf2-ARE信号通路减轻PM2.5诱导的肾小管上皮细胞氧化损伤

目的 探讨黄芪甲苷减轻细颗粒物2.5(particulate matter 2.5，PM2.5)所致肾小管上皮细胞氧化损伤的作用及分子机制。方法 将HK-2细胞分为5组：对照组（仅磷酸盐缓冲液处理）、模型组（200 μg/mL PM2.5处理24 h）、黄芪甲苷低剂量组（200 μg/mL PM2.5及10 nmol/L黄芪甲苷共同处理24 h）、黄芪甲苷中剂量组（200 μg/mL PM2.5及100 nmol/L黄芪甲苷共同处理24 h）、黄芪甲苷高剂量组（200 μg/mL PM2.5及200 nmol/L黄芪甲苷共同处理24 h）。采用流式细胞术和TUNEL检测不同方法处理的HK-2细胞凋亡情况，采用EdU实验和CCK8实验检测细胞增殖情况，采用Western blot检测不同方法处理的HK-2细胞中Kelch样环氧氯丙烷相关蛋白1（Kelch-like ECH-associated protein 1，Keap1）-核因子红细胞相关因子2(nuclear factor erythroid 2-related factor 2, Nrf2)-抗氧化反应元件（antioxident response element, ARE）信号通路相关蛋白的表达水平。结果 流式细胞术和TUNEL染色结果显示，黄芪甲苷显著抑制PM2.5导致的肾小管上皮细胞凋亡，其抑制效果随黄芪甲苷浓度的增加而增加。CCK8检测结果和EdU细胞增殖检测结果显示，黄芪甲苷显著促进肾小管上皮细胞增殖，细胞活力随黄芪甲苷浓度的增加而增加。进一步检测显示，黄芪甲苷显著抑制PM2.5导致的肾小管上皮细胞活性氧和丙二醛水平升高，并显著促进超氧化物歧化酶和谷胱甘肽过氧化物酶水平的升高。Western blot结果显示，与模型组比较，黄芪甲苷处理显著提高总Nrf2、核Nrf2、血红素氧化酶-1以及NAD（P）H醌脱氢酶1（NQO1）水平（P＜0.05）。结论 黄芪甲苷通过调控Keap1-Nrf2-ARE信号通路减轻PM2.5导致的肾小管上皮细胞氧化损伤。     

Africa–India nuclear cooperation: Pragmatism,principle, post-colonialism and the Pelindaba Treaty

The United States–India nuclear agreement, announced in 2005, was a first step in the process to normalise India's international nuclear relations despite the fact that India is not a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Africa is largely seen as a uranium supplier rather than nuclear power producer in the world nuclear order. The position that African states take towards Africa–India nuclear cooperation, uranium supply to India in particular, is informed by two seemingly contrasting factors, namely economic and political pragmatism on the one hand, and non-proliferation imperatives and norms on the other. The African Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty, also referred to as the Pelindaba Treaty, prohibits uranium and nuclear-related exports to states without comprehensive safeguards of their nuclear facilities, but the case of India is still open for interpretation. Africa and India's shared post-colonial consciousness, manifesting in their historical ties, membership of the Non-Aligned Movement and South–South cooperation, is often regarded as another factor facilitating Africa–India nuclear relations. A more critical view points to the different notions of post-coloniality in Africa and India, resulting in different approaches to nuclear non-proliferation that constrain their nuclear relations.     

North Korea’s Resurgence and China’s Rise: Implications for the Future of Northeast Asian Security

Today, Northeast Asia’s security situation is changing rapidly. North Korea is reviving and China’s power is growing at an alarming rate. While the U.S. continues to suffer diplomatically and militarily in the Middle East and from international terrorism, China’s and North Korea’s power is likely to futher increase, polarizing the Northeast Asian security structure, with South Korea, Japan (and Taiwan) all allied with the U.S. versus North Korea allied with China. The liberal democracies should pursue peace with North Korea and China to preclude the situation from aggravating, but should be ready in the longer term to meet, in diverse ways including strengthening their alliances, the challenges posed by rising powers.

核武器对同盟的影响——以朝核问题与日美同盟的互动为例

核武器通过对威胁能力与威胁认知的修正对同盟建立产生影响。核武器及其拥有国的数量影响同盟的结构样式和结构变动。核武器拥有、部署及威慑功能的变动持续塑造同盟参与国对威胁的认知,从而影响同盟参与国的对外政策。同盟内核保护的明确性与可信性、核武器功能及部署的分享与分工、国际核安全机制的构建,都将影响同盟的内部互信。综观朝核问题对日美同盟的影响:日美同盟参与国对外政策的不协调为其表,日美同盟内互信的动摇为其中,日美同盟结构的进一步"平等化"为其里。