Metagovernance and Control of Multi-level Governance Frameworks: The Case of the EU Structural Funds Financial Execution

Using as an empirical base the 2006–08 reform of the European Union Structural Funds financial execution, this paper explores control mechanisms of multi-level governance frameworks. The empirical evidence provides a representative case of initial metagovernance deficit and the subsequent, relatively successful, institutional response reinforcing metagovernance. The purpose is to clarify the conceptual dimensions of metagovernance, setting it in a categorical scheme that identifies forms of exercise of political power: government, governance and multi-level governance. Specifically, the paper argues for a conceptualization of metagovernance that highlights a sense of sovereignty by which governmental entities vested with legal legitimacy advance public interests.     

Let's Agree to Agree: Regional Interest Representation in the Negotiations for the 2007–13 and 2014–20 Structural Funds in Germany

The negotiating powers of regional authorities in the European Union (EU) have become more evident, especially with decentralization and regionalization happening across Europe. This empirical case study of regional interest representation offers a comparative analysis of the negotiations for the 2007–13 and 2014–20 EU Structural Funds. Based on qualitative interviews with German subnational officials, this paper explores how the German federal states (Länder) represented their interests at the federal and supranational level. It will be shown that the modes of interest representation changed which can largely be attributed to social learning. This article contributes to existing literature by illustrating the move towards co-operative interest representation with intra-state subnational mobilization.     

澳大利亚外警培训的模式及启示

澳大利亚是较早开展国际间警察培训的国家之一。澳大利亚外警培训的战略规划由澳大利亚联邦警察局国际合作部制定,是澳大利亚联邦警察局执法合作计划的组成部分,在帮助国外执法机构打击跨国犯罪工作中发挥了重要作用。通过外警培训,加强了澳大利亚联邦警察与国际执法合作伙伴的关系,提高了警察的执法能力。     

The Development-Insecurity Nexus in China’s Near-Abroad: Rethinking Cross-Border Economic Integration in an Era of State Transformation

Surprisingly, perhaps, China’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative expresses a familiar mix of the security–development nexus and liberal interdependence thesis: Chinese leaders expect economic development and integration will stabilise and secure neighbouring states and improve inter-state relations. However, drawing on the record of China’s intensive economic interaction with Myanmar, we argue that the opposite outcome may occur, for two reasons. First, capitalist development is inherently conflict-prone. Second, moreover, China’s cross-border economic relations today are shaped by state transformation – the fragmentation, decentralisation and internationalisation of party-state apparatuses. Accordingly, economic relations often emerge not from coherent national strategies, but from the uncoordinated, even contradictory, activities of various state and non-state agencies at multiple scales, which may exacerbate capitalist development’s conflictual aspects and undermine official policy goals. In the Sino-Myanmar case, the lead Chinese actors creating and managing cross-border economic engagements are sub-national agencies and enterprises based in, or operating through, Yunnan province. The rapacious form of development they have pursued has exacerbated insecurity, helped to reignite ethnic conflict in Myanmar’s borderlands, and plunged bilateral relations into crisis. Consequently, the Chinese government has had to change its policy and intervene in Myanmar’s domestic affairs to promote peace negotiations.     

Information and direct democracy: What voters learn about ballot measures and how it affects their votes

Limited research has evaluated what voters know about the initiatives and referendums that regularly appear on their ballots. Analyzing survey data covering nine ballot measures in three U.S. states, I explore what voters know about measures that would implement policies ranging from approving same-sex marriage to requiring identification to vote. My results show a great deal of variation across both ballot measures and type of knowledge. Specifically, I find that knowledge of endorsements and status quo policies is similar to their knowledge of civics. Policy specific facts, however, lag far behind. My results also show that voters tend to know more about moral issues. Increased campaign spending also helps voters learn about relevant endorsements, though not facts. When comparing the efficacy of facts versus endorsements, knowledge of an endorsement has a measurable decision-improving impact on voters’ choices while knowing a fact only rarely does.     

中国与巴布亚新几内亚警务合作的现状、挑战及对策

中国与巴布亚新几内亚的双边警务合作启动较晚,“一带一路”倡议为此提供了重要的历史机遇和条件。随着“一带一路”倡议、项目的落实,两国经贸合作、人员往来、文化交流等活动大幅增加,这使得警务合作的必要性、迫切性愈加凸显。当前,我国与巴新的警务合作主要体现在订立条约、人才培训和国际协作等三个方面。在合作中,双方也面临着资源力量结构性不足、大国干涉、缺乏健全稳定机制的挑战。通过增强双边政治互信、经济联系、文化交流,补足警务资源结构性缺陷,健全双边警务合作机制,推动双边乃至多边协议条约签署,可以为两国开展深层次、宽领域警务合作提供坚实支撑和必要保障。     

Structural injustice and alienation: a reply to my critics

ABSTRACT

This author’s reply addresses critiques by Reinhard Wolf, Alasia Nuti, and Kimberly Hutchings of my 2017 book, Justice and Reconciliation in World Politics. First, I restate the normative and practical significance of focusing on challenges of structural injustice for resolving many serious and pressing problems in world politics, including climate change. Second, I begin to resolve some puzzles about the concept of alienation and its relationship to justice and reconciliation, by outlining two concepts of alienation, and distinguishing them from alienation as a cognitive-affective experience. Third, I clarify the limits and potential of decolonial political theory.     

“一带一路”背景下我国少数民族民间音乐文化的跨文化传播

"一带一路"背景下少数民族民间音乐的跨文化传播能够提升丝路地带的国家政治互信和促进文创经济交流,能够促进沿线文化多元融合和拓宽音乐文化内涵,能够传承少数民族民间音乐文化和传播中华优秀文化。但目前,在少数民族音乐文化跨文化传播中还面临着很多困境,由此,我们需要构建差异化传播模式,深入研究"一带一路"沿线国家音乐文化;增强少数民族民间音乐文化自觉,搭建多元化的文化交流平台;增强"柔性"传播,重视创新跨文化传播方式;借助现代化传播媒介,打破惯用的传播模式,以此促进我国少数民族民间音乐文化的跨文化传播。     

Structural injustice and the legitimacy of the state-centric system

ABSTRACT

Catherine Lu’s seminal Justice and Reconciliation in World Politics is right to stress the enduring nature of some colonialist structural indignities. It is less clear, however, if structural injustices justify Lu’s demand for revolutionary changes of the global order. Before transforming the pluralist state-centric system, we need transparent criteria that help us agree on the severity of structural injustices. Considering Lu’s strong focus on the colonialist origins of contemporary injustices, one would also like to know if and how their historical background affects their present moral status. The essay concludes that, in a multicultural global society with diverse moral values, we should focus on tackling the most glaring injustices and on rectifying those where accountabilities are least controversial.     

行政托管的实证研究——以西安市沣渭新区“托管模式”为例

托管模式是我国地方政府在管理体制改革中探索出的新的权力配置方式,该模式在政府职能转化和管理结构调整上发挥了重要作用。西安市沣渭新区运用该模式建立了新区管委会扁平化二级管理结构,具有重要样本价值。这种体制上的创新,对我国的行政权力配置方式提供了新的选择方案。