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131.
市场经济是信用经济,社会信用制度的建设直接关系到社会经济秩序和金融的安全性。而我国自建国以来信用缺失现象严重,从人们的信用观念淡漠,到金融机构的不正当竞争,再到社会自律机制、信用监督机制、法律约束机制不健全,给整个金融体系带来了很大的金融风险。因此,如何树立信用观念,加大产权制度改革的力度,规范金融机构的行为,通过一系列规章制度的建设形成有效的信用约束机制,成为现阶段我国建立社会信用,防范金融风险的首要任务。  相似文献   
132.
传统发展理念由于其包含一系列内在矛盾而使自身陷入困境并导致了发展危机。这主要表现在:发展至上主义的迷醉及其对生存家园的遗忘;技术乐观主义的虚妄及其对有限理性的消失;人类中心主义的偏执及其对天人关系的僭越;消费享乐主义的滥觞及其对生态伦理的缺席。在揭示传统发展理念深层矛盾困境的同时,昭示当代人应自觉走出其设定的内部陷阱,从而为建构通向未来科学的发展观扫清理念上的障碍。  相似文献   
133.
政府危机管理是指在某些特殊的紧急情况下,政府出于国家安全、社会秩序或公共利益的需要,为摆脱公共管理领域发生的重大危机事件,而采取一系列果断措施的过程。一个完善的危机管理机制应该包括危机发生前的监测预警机制、危机发生后的快速反应机制、以及总结评估机制等环节。同时,政府危机管理还应注意建立健全相关组织机构,制订完善相关法律法规,强化政务公开,加大投入力度,严格责任追究制度等。  相似文献   
134.
Initial reports of domestic violence are generally made to law enforcement officers who must respond and intervene. A subset of these episodes involves cases in which the victim, and, in many instances her child(ren), have been taken hostage by her husband or partner. Moreover, there are indications that the number of such incidents is growing. The purpose of this project was twofold: (1) to provide one of the first reports on the prevalence and characteristics of these events, and (2) to more closely analyze domestic crisis (hostage) situations using actual case examples. All information was obtained from the Hostage Barricade Database System (HOBAS) of the FBIs Crisis Negotiation Unit. HOBAS is a postincident information collection tool which stores historical data from law enforcement agencies across the nation on hostage/barricade incidents. An examination of this database yielded different types of domestic hostage-taking acts and outcomes (e.g., tactical vs. negotiated resolutions, survival vs. death/injury of perpetrator and/or victim[s]). Implications of the findings, for future crisis negotiation efforts directed toward nonviolent resolution of these high-risk critical incidents, are discussed.  相似文献   
135.
当代大学生的自我认同危机与核心价值体系   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
大学生问题是中国现代化进程中的焦点问题,造成系列问题的主要原因是大学生对自我认同产生了危机,这种危机的出现主要源自于当代核心价值体系的缺失,只有建立社会主义核心价值体系才能消解当代大学生的自我认同危机。  相似文献   
136.
Megaprojects are systems of highly concentrated power whose footprints, or radius of effects, are without precedent in human history. Once upon a time, even under imperial conditions, most people on our planet lived and loved, worked and played within geographically limited communities. They never had to reckon with all of humanity as a factor in their daily lives. Whenever they acted recklessly within their environment, for instance, they had the option of moving on, safe in the knowledge that there was plenty of Earth and not many others. Whenever bad things happened, they happened within limits. Their effects were local. The politics of megaprojects radically alters this equation; it poses new questions about the governance of risk and the nature and limits of democratic politics. The politics of megaprojects—put simply—raises fundamental questions about the ‘life and death of democracy’.  相似文献   
137.
目前,我国政府公共危机管理中的公民参与处于较低水平、面临许多困境,因此,应该通过多种途径扩大公民有序参与公共危机管理的渠道,规范公民有序参与公共危机管理的行为,最终形成政府与公民、媒体、非政府组织等等良性互动的合作模式,最大限度地降低公共危机事件造成的损害。  相似文献   
138.
蔺唤 《学理论》2012,(22):176-177
通过对iPhone的技术参数、定价、利润分配三个图表的分析,解读了iPhone的传奇现象,揭示了其背后的科技内涵。基于高等教育的科研职能,提出了我国高等教育在科研创新和成效推广中潜在的四种危机。旨在认识并理清它们之间的关系,反思我国目前的高等教育现状,以期对我国高等教育的发展起到启示和借鉴作用,进而加快我们由"中国制造"向"中国创造"迈进的步伐。  相似文献   
139.
创新社会管理背景下涉警网络舆情危机处置探析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
现阶段,我国正处于改革的攻坚期、发展的黄金期和社会矛盾的凸现期,涉警网络舆情危机时有发生。涉警网络舆情危机具有突发性、传播性、破坏性和交互性等显著特点。因此,公安机关应及时掌握涉警网络舆情动态,运用"公安网络舆情引导管理系统",完善涉警网络舆情预警研判和应急处置机制,掌握网络舆论引导主动权。  相似文献   
140.
《圆桌》2012,101(2):147-156
Abstract

This paper begins by examining the reasons behind most failures of governance, including fault lines in institutional and professional specialisation, and in ideology. These three, forever competing within and between themselves, frustrate attempts to find solutions to some of the world's most pressing challenges. Not least among these are environmental challenges, where preferences and priorities that are geographically, professionally or ideologically narrow inevitably fail to achieve solutions for the greater good. What role can the Commonwealth play in addressing the fracture lines that bedevil solutions for climate change and biodiversity? It may help to stimulate global action on these issues if it can encourage agreement across multidimensional global boundaries. We know the Commonwealth is not a leading global force for controlling climate change or biodiversity loss; but if it had the political will it could be an exemplar of how, between a group of vastly diverse countries across the globe—and on the global political stage—binding agreement and positive action on climate change and biodiversity could be promoted and perhaps achieved. One of the strongest features of the Commonwealth is the generation of long-standing legal and ethical norms whose appeal is obvious even if their implementation is lacking. These norms should not be limited to the rule of law, democracy and human rights, but should include environmental norms because these too are fundamental to a satisfactory human condition.  相似文献   
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