甲午战争对当代中日关系的影响——“甲午战争以来的中日关系”学术研讨会侧记

2014年8月在大连市召开了"甲午战争以来的中日关系"学术研讨会,来自全国各地的200余位专家、学者出席了会议。此次会议在"甲午战争对当代中日关系的影响"议题方面有一些新特点。一方面,研究的视角不断扩大,在以两国政治关系为切入点的研究基础上又增加了经济交往、思想文化、计量分析等新的视角,使甲午战争对当代中日关系影响的研究趋向多维化。另一方面,研究理论与方法亦呈现多样化,由于该议题涉及近代东北亚国家政治、经济、文化等诸多层面,因此围绕战争对当代中日关系影响的研究,除使用传统的实证史学、比较史学等方法外,还多运用现代化理论、国际关系学、地缘政治学等相关专业理论进行了交叉研究。此次会议展示了国内学界有关甲午战争研究的最新成果,对处理当代中日关系亦提供了有益的借鉴。     

综合治理视野下深入开展禁毒斗争的思考

近些年来，国际国内毒品犯罪的大环境发生了明显变化，毒品犯罪正在由低级形式向高级形式升级。在深入开展禁毒人民战争的进程中，原有的禁毒立法和工作举措暴露出不完备性和滞后性，因此必须坚持“打防结合、标本兼治、堵源截流、四禁并举”的基本策略，加强禁毒工作综合治理机制的构建工作。     

马克思、恩格斯全球化思想及其现代价值

马恩关于全球化思想最初起源于他的世界历史和世界市场思想。这在《德意志意识形态》和《共产党宣言》中有较为集中的体现。资本主义生产方式的出现,分工和交往的扩大是世界历史出现的根源,也是世界市场进一步扩大的一个因素。最后,真正的全球化是共产主义的出现。马克思的关于对"世界历史"理论思想的研究,对于当今探索中国如何进行社会主义现代化建设,具有重要借鉴作用。     

试析抗战后期泉州地方救侨行动

1941年12月太平洋战争爆发后,国民党泉州地方政府在福建省府领导下展开了一场救济侨胞的行动。这场行动包括生活救济和生产救济两个方面,试图为陷入生活困境的归侨侨眷提供帮助,然而由于缺乏制度上的约束和保障,以及贪污腐化、覆盖面窄等因素,致使救济行动无法发挥真正的成效。     

“Editorials at a Glance”: Cultural Policy,Gender, and Modernity in the World War I Bureau of Cartoons

Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions.     

世界银行的环境保护政策及其对我国的启示

世界银行的环境保护政策包括五个方面,即:环境评价、大坝安全、林业、自然栖息地和病虫害管理。世界银行的环境保护政策对我国的启示如下:一是树立新的发展理念;二是做好国际融资项目的环境影响评价工作;三是完善《环境影响评价法》,增强环境影响评价的独立性和权威性。     

冷战后的民族主义新浪潮及其消极影响

世界现代史上的民族主义发展经历了三次浪潮,它们有进步的与反动的之分.当今世界民族主义表现为民族分离主义、宗教民族主义、"泛民族主义"、部族民族主义等不同形态,特征各异,但就其作用而言以消极影响为主导.冷战后,民族主义问题具有国际化、暴力化以及民族主义与宗教势力连体发展的趋势,造成的恶果日趋严重,并有持续发展之势,但受多种条件的制约,其发展力度有限.     

Global reporting from the Third World: the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association, 1963–1974

ABSTRACT

Originating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War.     

论抗战时期广西政府文化政策

抗日战争时期,广西是全国文化事业发展得比较好的一个省份。特别是首府桂林的文化事业更是呈现出一片繁荣的景象,被誉为“抗战文化城”。这都与广西政府的文化政策有着紧密的联系。而影响文化政策改变的因素及这种文化政策所产生的影响是多方面的。     

Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Institutional Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords

This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them.