网络组党结社与国家政治安全

网络组党结社是信息化时代秘密结社的一种新型组织形态，具有政治诉求多元、组织发展隐秘、活动方式多变以及成员结构复杂等特性，在一定程度上对国家政治安全有着潜在的威胁和现实危害。分析其活动方式，把握其发展趋势，在此基础上将网络组党结社活动控制在有关职能部门的视线范围内，并依法打击其非法活动，对于维护社会政治稳定和国内安全具有较强的理论意义与现实意义。     

Analysis of Y-STR loci in a population sample from northeast China

POPULATION: A total of 141 unrelated Chinese Han male individuals living in Liaoning in northeast China.     

Y chromosome STR haplotypes and allele frequencies in Illinois Caucasian, African American, and Hispanic males

POPULATION: Population: Illinois Caucasian ( n =117), Illinois African American ( n =218), and Illinois Hispanic ( n =68).     

论抗战时期桂林人口伤亡

日军的侵略给桂林带来了巨大的灾难。整个抗战时期,有确凿数据或事实作为依据的官兵阵亡人数 为6729人。根据战争损失专家提出的比例(即负伤与死亡的比例约为2:1)计算,则抗战中桂林籍伤亡的官兵和在 桂林伤亡的其他省籍官兵的人数约为20000人左右。而民众死亡的数量根据人口的发展情况判断应在《广西年鉴》 所记载的数字的基础上再加上1万人,即约为3万人。     

关于儒学价值观普世性问题的思考

即使是在“全球化”的当今,作为中国文化传统核心的儒学,仍有其普世性价值。     

抗战时期陕甘宁边区的干部学校教育述评

研究和总结抗战时期陕甘宁边区的干部学校教育及其特点,对于新时期加强干部学校建设,培养和造就高素质的干部队伍具有重要的意义。     

对“韬光养晦”的哲学审视

摘要：本文简析了“韬光养晦”外交战略的历史与现实,并结合《孙子兵法》的相关论述,指出中国必须全面审视、理解和坚持“韬光养晦”策略,并要正确认识到“韬光养晦”相较于一种手段更是一种价值。该文认为,破除激进主义的简单思维,破除盛世的迷梦,冷静地正视,有效地反击,运用东方文明的智慧,从而最大限度地突破围堵,为国家的和平发展营造最佳的战略环境,才是当前中国外交战略的根本所在。     

Kenneth B. Clark and the problem of power

ABSTRACT

During the early 1960s African American psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, known primarily for his involvement in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education US Supreme Court desegregation decision, began organizing an ambitious anti-poverty programme called Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited, Inc. (HARYOU). Dissatisfied by the lack of progress in school desegregation in New York City and discouraged by the inability of traditional social welfare organizations to address the problems of race and poverty, Clark argued that a new approach had to be developed to mobilize the black poor to gain the political and economic power that would solve their problems. At the same time, he theorized that a new form of racial segregation was beginning to develop in urban areas that foreshadowed increasing social isolation, economic dependence and declining municipal services for many African Americans. He called this new development ‘internal colonialism’ and hoped that HARYOU would be a demonstration project in the Kennedy–Johnson administration's War on Poverty that would address these problems from multiple perspectives. Nonetheless, the plan aroused the political opposition of Harlem Congressman Adam Clayton Powell. The dispute with Powell drove Clark from HARYOU and caused him to re-evaluate his thinking regarding African American leadership. He increasingly viewed the ‘ghetto’ as both a prison and a cocoon that satisfied white and black social, economic, political and psychological needs. By the end of his HARYOU experience, Clark coined the term ‘the new American dilemma’ to describe and theorize about an increasingly isolated and powerless black population in many urban centres. The term also signified his belief that the problem of power was intricately tied up in, while also separate from, the problem of race.     

“后申遗”时代的公共性发生与文化再生产

"保护还是开发"作为中国申遗实践的热点问题,其实质是中国当代文化中产业与精英两个文化阶层借助官方观念错位而展开的话语竞争。关注遗产持有群体的文化觉醒,标志着"后申遗"时代的到来。遗产公共性是觉醒的遗产持有者,以遗产为公共性实现的符号媒介,借助遗产媒介实现公共参与与群体沟通。在当下申遗实践中,遗产公共性已在"遗产话语"、"遗产表演"、"遗产资源"与"遗产行政"四个维度发生。遗产公共性的社会建构应落脚在遗产的"文化再生产"之上。     

Young Turk Governance in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War

Abstract

The article analyses the system of government of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War by looking at three elements: the constitutional-parliamentarian monarchy, the Committee of Union and Progress and the army. The analysis takes place along two axes: one in which the functioning of, and the power relations between, the different institutional elements are analysed, and one based on a series of case studies of important decision-making moments of the years 1914–18.

The civil-military relations as they developed during the war years are studies in a comparative framework. The Ottoman situation is analysed against the backdrop of changes in the balance of power between military and civilian authorities in other belligerent countries in Europe.

The conclusion is that the Ottoman Empire was a constitutional and parliamentarian monarchy only in name, but that its governance did not turn into a form of military rule either. It was run by the Committee of Union and Progress, but within that, key decisions were taken by changing informal coalitions of power brokers in such a way as to make sure that the two dominant factions, the civilian one led by Talât and the military one led by Enver were in agreement.