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71.
Through what mechanism do interest groups shape public opinion on concrete policies? In this article, three hypotheses are proposed that distinguish between the effect of the arguments conveyed by interest groups and the effect of interest groups as source cues. Two survey experiments on the proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TIPP) and the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change allow the testing of these hypotheses. The resulting evidence from several countries shows that, with respect to interest groups’ attempts at shaping public opinion, arguments matter more than their sources. This is so even when accounting for people's trust in the interest groups that serve as source cues and for people's level of information about a policy. The finding that interest groups affect public opinion via arguments rather than as source cues has implications for the literature on elite influence on public opinion and the normative evaluation of interest group activities.  相似文献   
72.
Addressing climate change requires consideration of mitigation and adaptation opportunities at multiple spatial scales. This is particularly true in the built environment, defined here to include individual buildings, neighborhoods, and the spaces between. The current U.S. political environment portends fewer resources and coordinating services for mitigation and adaptation at the federal level, however, reinforcing the relevance and necessity of actions at subnational levels. In this study, we evaluate the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to the implementation of mitigation and adaptation practices, as well as the presence of polycentric systems in the built environment. We assemble a database of practices with the potential to achieve both mitigation and adaptation objectives, as well as those that may be cross‐purposed or that may achieve one but not the other. We review practices to gauge the applicability of a polycentric model of governance to mitigation and adaptation practices in the built environment, and examine the attributes of three existing adaptation and/or mitigation programs to assess the extent to which they exhibit polycentric attributes. We conclude with recommendations for a broader research agenda, including efforts to develop more in‐depth examinations into individual programs and comparative analysis of performances of different governance attributes.  相似文献   
73.
The reform of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) adopted in November 2017 was surprisingly strong, given the previous opposition from central member‐states like Poland and key stakeholders like the energy‐intensive industries. The carbon price has also increased substantially since then. To explain why such major reform was possible, we present several findings with wider relevance. Importantly, all the actors pushing for a more ambitious reform benefitted from having a central, “second‐best” mechanism in place—the Market Stability Reserve (MSR)—which could be further tightened. By focusing cancelation on allowances in the MSR and taking place only after 2023, policy entrepreneurs managed to make the distribution of costs obscure and diffuse, whereas the benefits (a probable higher carbon price and related greater auctioning revenues for member‐states) were more specific and closer in time. That is what we call “smokescreen politics.”  相似文献   
74.
Governments face a fundamental tradeoff between regulatory independence and control. Attempts of interference have the effect of reducing the system's level of commitment and credibility. On the other hand, an administration runs the risk that the autonomy delegated to regulators might be used to pursue outcomes that may harm their interests. This tradeoff is particularly relevant when there is an alternation of power with the arrival of a new political elite with different preferences. This paper uses data from a 2016 survey on regulatory governance applied to Brazilian regulatory agencies. This data is compared to a similar survey performed in 2005. The new survey results turn out to be surprisingly similar to those of a decade earlier, suggesting strong resilience of regulatory agencies despite significant attempts at political interference by powerful presidents. The factors explaining the resilience of regulatory governance in Brazil lie in its broader institutional endowment, which moderates the effects of executive interference.  相似文献   
75.
Renewable portfolio standards (RPS) are an important policy tool for reducing carbon emissions and advancing the global shift toward renewable energy. As the U.S. federal government backs away from commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, subnational governments play an increasingly important role in mitigating climate change. In June 2015, Hawaii became the first state in the United States to adopt a 100% RPS. Through understanding the conditions that gave rise to Hawaii’s RPS, policy actors will be better informed as they navigate policy processes in other states and jurisdictions. This study uses Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) to explore the policy process that led to Hawaii’s 100% RPS. Data were collected during the summer of 2016 via interviews with 25 key policy actors and informants in Hawaii. Expectations based on the MSF are confirmed, and the results suggest factors that might be included or explored in future studies of RPS adoption.  相似文献   
76.
旅游影响下滇西北民族社区传统生态文化变迁机制研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
旅游对目的地文化变迁的影响已有较多研究,但由于案例地的特殊性,缺乏比较研究的基础。以滇西北三个民族社区为案例,对当地在旅游发展过程中呈现出的不同的生态文化变迁形态进行了比较性解读。研究发现,位处旅游地生命周期的不同阶段、面对不同的客源市场,以及不同的文化借用方式,是导致各社区生态文化变迁形态迥异的主要原因。研究将有助于在民族社区旅游发展与传统生态文化保护之间探索一条良性互动的发展路径。  相似文献   
77.
78.
张震 《北方法学》2012,(6):32-38
以现实的社会条件为基础,1982年宪法形成了以发展性、时代性、中国性为核心的人权逻辑主线。随着三十年来我国社会的发展与变迁,1982年宪法的人权体系也在不断地扩充与演进,由对我国经济、社会发展最直接需要与成果的经济权利的凸显,到具有普适性人权价值的确认,再到经济、社会、文化权利即广义社会权体系的完善。在当下,公平享受发展成果,权利的平等保障是1982年宪法人权逻辑的最核心命题与最终极价值。  相似文献   
79.
基于2003-2010年上市公司的数据,采用应计利润法计量盈余管理水平,比较国有公司和非国有公司盈余管理水平上的差异,同时对新会计准则实施前后上市公司的盈余管理水平进行比较,并对2007年之后的数据进行逐年回归,对其变化趋势做出分析.研究表明:国有公司的盈余管理水平相对于非国有公司更弱;新会计准则对于企业盈余管理水平具有明显的抑制作用,国有公司和非国有公司的盈余管理水平差异先减小后增加.  相似文献   
80.
权力制约论是检察长列席审委会的直接理论依据,司法实践是检察长列席审委会的现实基础,人民群众对司法公正的新要求和新期待是检察长列席审委会的内在动力.对检察机关派员列席审委会制度的反思主要包括两个方面:一是对程序设计与程序运作的反思,二是对影响程序设计与运作的观念反思.在改造检察长列席审委会程序时,不仅需要制度层面的改造,更需要观念层面的转变与更新.应当深化审委会制度的司法性,有限度引入被告人权利机制,实现审委会程序的诉讼化;明确法律监督的合理界限,建立法律监督的诉讼机制,确保审判权的正常有效行使;确立事后补救措施,旨在为被告人诉讼权利提供保障.  相似文献   
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