关于苏共执政方式转换失败的思考

苏共传统的执政模式具有权力高度集中、个人专断、滥用权力、决策失误和政治腐败等严重弊端.苏共对其执政模式的改革先后犯下了左倾和右倾错误,从而导致改革的失败.苏共执政模式的衰败是苏共丧失执政地位的重要制度性因素.在新的挑战面前,社会主义国家执政党必须实现执政方式的转换.在遵循适时、稳定和渐进原则的前提下,变具有强制性、直接性、集权性、人治性的传统执政方式为具有合法性、间接性、民主性、法治性的现代执政方式.     

鼎立统一：“一分为三”的表现形式之一

“一分为三”命题包括鼎立统一。在中国哲学史上,鼎立统一即三足鼎立是有地位的。后来在谈“三”色变的氛围之下,鼎立统一就没有存在的余地了。现在应该充分认识它的哲理性,肯定它的地位、作用和意义,并在实践中加以运用。     

Disciplining Society through the City: The Genesis of City Planning in Brazil and Argentina (1894–1945)

This paper looks at the genesis of a discourse on urbanismo (city planning) in Brazil and Argentina between 1894 and 1945 using the ideas of Michel Foucault on discipline and his concept of bio–power. The demographic pattern of the major cities in both countries from 1890 onwards and the renewals of the centres of these cities are also discussed. Other sections are dedicated to the plans proposed for the same cities in the 1920s and to urban representations, such as ideas about social reform, the role of hygiene as a point of departure for planning, and the relationship of ideas on Taylorism (scientific management) and the city. The paper also discusses the planners opposition to elections, when they claimed that they were the only ones qualified to deal with urban problems and therefore they should be employed in the state apparatus.
Other concerns of the paper are the use of planning as an element of nation building and ideas defining eugenics (race 'betterment') as an important aspect of city planning. I conclude by arguing that, if implemented, city planning was a way of creating an industrial culture, disciplining society through the city, although the industrial proletariat has never made up the majority of the population in Brazil or Argentina. Even if many aspects of the plans proposed for both countries were not implemented, the discourse of planners can be seen as a will to discipline society through the city. This discipline would affect the freedom of movement of human bodies, and is therefore approached through Foucault's concepts of bio–power and discipline     

依法执政的法意省思

依法执政是中国作为执政党的中国共产党在新形势下执政方式的重大调整和深刻转变,是在依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家的时代背景下执政党执政理念法治化的根本体现,也是顺民心遂民愿的明智之举。依法执政理念要作为指引执政党执政实践的正确航标,本身需要从法治而非人治的视角进行明确的梳理和辩思。     

试论中美关系是洛克文化的建构

从1979年中美建交开始,中美两国关系经历了起起落落,特别是从冷战后至今,美国主流媒体对中国的看法以负面为主,其根源之一是基于垄断性意识形态诉求的美国话语霸权,实质则是中美之间诸多因素的建构.中美关系应被视为洛克文化的建构,目前所呈现出的某些霍布斯文化的特征并不占主导地位.中美应在尊重主权的前提下开展竞争,以竞争对手而不是敌手的身份看待对方,来构建具有明显洛克文化特征的中美间安全文化.中美关系主要不是零和博弈和囚徒困境,而是共存共生共荣的洛克文化体系的建构.     

论新形势下大学本科双学位教育的实施策略

随着社会经济的飞速发展,社会需要更多的＂厚基础、宽口径、高素质＂复合型人才,双学位教育是培养复合型人才的重要途径。因此对新形势下实施双学位教育的意义、存在的问题进行了初步探讨,并就新形势下如何实施这种创新的人才培养模式进行了阐述,对进一步推动双学位教育具有一定的参考意义。     

美国国家情报战略的特征与演变趋势

美国拥有世界上最庞大的情报部门。2005年,美国情报部门实现了自1947年以来最大规模的跨机构整合,设立国家情报局长办公室,每4年出台新的情报战略报告。这一整合反映了美国情报战略的特征及变化。美国情报战略的演变不仅是其情报系统自身的变革,也是美国国内政治变化的一个缩影,体现了美国对权力分散化、网络化的新认识及战略目标与理念的变化。剖析美国情报战略报告,有助于深层把握美国情报战略思维及未来走向。     

检察权配置的现状分析

我国检察权的配置是借鉴国外检察制度和我国古代御史制度的优良成果,并结合我国国情建立起来的,具有鲜明的中国特色,在当前法制建设中发挥了积极作用。然而,检察权在运行的过程中存在着法律规定不完善、缺乏强制力、各项权能存在漏洞等问题。优化检察权的配置,对于充分发挥检察机关检察职能,强化国家法律监督,保障法律统一正确实施具有重要意义。     

确保俄罗斯经济竞争力的战略思考

在合理配置国家资源条件下,使用指示性计划的国际经验表明,指示性计划必须结各国具体的经济、社会和政治情况。俄罗斯在融入全球化的过程中,需要建立起符合自身条件的市场机制,处理好全球化进程中俄罗斯国民税收体系改革和人力资本问题,从而使俄罗斯摆脱沦为西方发达国家原材料提供者的危险境地。要建成国家投资和创新的发展模式,走上可持续增长的轨道,并将居民的生活质量提高到一个新的水平,从战略的角度考虑,俄罗斯需要提高国家在社会经济发展中的作用,建立起社会取向型国家的劳动和社会福利关系。     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.