科学发展观视角下基层统战文化软实力的建设思考——以浙江省余姚市为例

科学发展观,是党中央在十六届三中全会上首次提出的发展战略.这对于余姚经济社会发展的方向、模式、路径都产生极大的影响.而十七大,又首次把文化软实力写进党的工作报告,向全党提出要“提高国家的文化软实力”的战略要求.此要求的提出,不仅为余姚市经济社会的进一步发展指明了方向,也为余姚市如何加快提升城市文化软实力、尤其是统战文化...     

论新时期执政党利益整合能力建设

近年来,随着中国社会结构的变化,阶级阶层利益诉求、社会矛盾、主流意识形态发生巨大变化,整合利益需求、协调社会各个阶层矛盾,是当前党执政中面临的一个重要现实课题。现代传媒技术、社会组织的发展对党的利益整合能力产生了极大挑战。因此,需进一步加强执政党的利益整合能力建设,不断促进社会主义社会和谐稳定发展。     

福建高校安全保卫工作存在的问题及对策研究

福建高校治安状况总体是安全稳定的,但也还存在着各类安全事故危害师生人身安全、治安案件多发、刑事案件时有发生、大学生心理障碍造成的自杀问题日趋增多等问题,原因在于高校后勤社会化使得校园及周边的治安环境复杂化,加之对校园安全管理重视不够、防范不足和大学生安全意识缺乏等。要解决这些问题,应当从科学管理高校后勤社会化,清洁校园及周边环境;加强高校安全保卫工作,实现“预防为主、防治结合、综合治理”;加强对大学生的心理疏导,培养大学生安全意识等方面进行不懈努力,才能真正实现校园的安全稳定。     

Margaret Fuller's Rome and the problem of provincial American democracy

ABSTRACT

Margaret Fuller's visit to Italy as a correspondent for the New York Tribune at the time of the 1848 revolutions gave her a unique perspective on them, not only as a feminist intellectual but also as a commentator on the American relationship with revolutionary Europe. In her Tribune writings she addressed issues at once more partisan and more global than those she had covered inside the United States, including the political condition of Italy as a subject state under Austrian imperial control, and as an object of ridicule by many American observers, and the condition of American slavery. Italian peoples and slaves, in her mind, were, like women, oppressed by a transatlantic patriarchy whose prejudices allowed only for white males to enjoy political independence. Fuller called for American support for the Roman republic, but her sympathies did not reflect the thrust of American opinion. Many Americans did not believe Italians were capable of maintaining republican self-government, which was different, they alleged, from their own version, part of the inheritance of the American Revolution. That heritage conferred a unique American revolutionary ‘exceptionalism’. For these Americans, the 1848 revolutions provided evidence that Europe was impulsive, reactionary and flawed; they saw in them confirmation of the superiority of American race relations and democratic society. After her death in 1850, the American Civil War would confirm Fuller's implicit sense that the United States and Europe were more alike than many Americans of her generation believed or realized. Her critique of American attitudes to the prospect for democracy in Italy provides perspective on the ambiguity of American global leadership today.     

Kenneth B. Clark and the problem of power

ABSTRACT

During the early 1960s African American psychologist Kenneth B. Clark, known primarily for his involvement in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education US Supreme Court desegregation decision, began organizing an ambitious anti-poverty programme called Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited, Inc. (HARYOU). Dissatisfied by the lack of progress in school desegregation in New York City and discouraged by the inability of traditional social welfare organizations to address the problems of race and poverty, Clark argued that a new approach had to be developed to mobilize the black poor to gain the political and economic power that would solve their problems. At the same time, he theorized that a new form of racial segregation was beginning to develop in urban areas that foreshadowed increasing social isolation, economic dependence and declining municipal services for many African Americans. He called this new development ‘internal colonialism’ and hoped that HARYOU would be a demonstration project in the Kennedy–Johnson administration's War on Poverty that would address these problems from multiple perspectives. Nonetheless, the plan aroused the political opposition of Harlem Congressman Adam Clayton Powell. The dispute with Powell drove Clark from HARYOU and caused him to re-evaluate his thinking regarding African American leadership. He increasingly viewed the ‘ghetto’ as both a prison and a cocoon that satisfied white and black social, economic, political and psychological needs. By the end of his HARYOU experience, Clark coined the term ‘the new American dilemma’ to describe and theorize about an increasingly isolated and powerless black population in many urban centres. The term also signified his belief that the problem of power was intricately tied up in, while also separate from, the problem of race.     

论中国特色社会主义文化发展道路

中国特色社会主义文化发展道路,是中国共产党人艰难实践抉择与自觉理论探索的结果。社会主义核心价值观、人民群众依靠力量、科学发展路径、改革创新动力,从不同侧面揭示了中国特色社会主义文化发展道路的内涵。建设社会主义文化强国,应该在增强国家文化软实力、激发文化创作生产活力、维护国家文化安全方面进行不懈努力。     

中国特色社会主义视野下“中国模式”的内涵

本文所讨论的中国模式,是在中国特色社会主义视野下,客观地阐释它形成发展的历史脉络,总结分析它的经济、政治、文化和社会特征,同时,联系中华人民共和国建国60多年、改革开放30多年的实践经验与教训,从中国发展道路的高度来探讨和研究。作为一个全面性、整体性概念,＂中国模式＂以中国特色社会主义理论体系为根本指导思想,以中国特色社会主义道路为核心内容,以中国特色社会主义制度为基本保障,是中国在经济全球化背景下为实现社会现代化所自主选择的发展道路的集中体现。     

Young Turk Governance in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War

Abstract

The article analyses the system of government of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War by looking at three elements: the constitutional-parliamentarian monarchy, the Committee of Union and Progress and the army. The analysis takes place along two axes: one in which the functioning of, and the power relations between, the different institutional elements are analysed, and one based on a series of case studies of important decision-making moments of the years 1914–18.

The civil-military relations as they developed during the war years are studies in a comparative framework. The Ottoman situation is analysed against the backdrop of changes in the balance of power between military and civilian authorities in other belligerent countries in Europe.

The conclusion is that the Ottoman Empire was a constitutional and parliamentarian monarchy only in name, but that its governance did not turn into a form of military rule either. It was run by the Committee of Union and Progress, but within that, key decisions were taken by changing informal coalitions of power brokers in such a way as to make sure that the two dominant factions, the civilian one led by Talât and the military one led by Enver were in agreement.     

The Latvian student corps and politics in the inter-war period of the twentieth century

Abstract

To date, Latvia's student corps have remained a neglected topic in the country's political history, notwithstanding the size of these organisations and the fact that they have been in existence for more than a century. Those accounts that do exist have for the most part been written by corps members themselves, and have not included any real analysis of the corps' interaction with society or their role in Latvian political life. A study of these issues opens up new avenues towards a better understanding of the activity and influence of interest groups in Latvian politics during the 1920s and 1930s. Unlike many other social organisations, the student corps (also including the alumni societies) are often seen as linked to the activity of the major parties, to the coup d'état of 1934 and to radical Latvian nationalism.     

Estonian Folklore as A Source of Baltic-German Poetry

Estonian folk tales form a common element in Estonian and Baltic-German (lyro)epic poetry. Baltic-German interest in Estonian folkloric heritage originated in the eighteenth century, when J. G. Herder first encouraged the collection of Estonian and Latvian folk songs. Systematic collection began in the 1830s, and peaked in the Estonian language area with the Estonian epic Kalevipoeg (1857–1861). Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald implemented this epic, but it was also influenced by many collectors and adaptors and was published in both German and Estonian. The myths of Friedrich Robert Faehlmann, presented in the Learned Estonian Society between 1840 and 1852, have had the biggest influence on the German-speaking audience. Literary adaptations of folk tales quickly found their way into journals, newspapers, poetry collections, and anthologies, often in the popular form of a ballad. This paper seeks to explore the role of Estonian folklore in Baltic-German lyroepic poetry.