“管理极端气候事件和灾害风险特别报告”对我国的启示

政府间气候变化专门委员会(IPCC)最新发布的"管理极端气候事件和灾害风险促进气候变化适应特别报告决策者摘要(SREX)"从"极端气候事件+脆弱性+暴露程度"的角度剖析了灾害风险的根源,综合考虑了气候、环境、社会经济条件等因素,提出了管理灾害风险和适应气候变化的各种政策选项,对于我国把风险管理纳入应对气候变化行动的整体框架提供了重要的科学依据。本文基于特别报告的主要结论,结合我国防灾减灾工作的实际情况,提出加快社会经济发展、实现社会系统重构、发挥政策协同效应是今后防灾减灾工作的重要着力点。     

尼采的虚无主义思想

大多数学者认为尼采是一位反形而上学的哲学家 ,而反形而上学用尼采本人的话来说就是虚无主义。在尼采看来 ,虚无主义是一个历史过程。从柏拉图———基督教哲学到叔本华哲学的虚无主义过程 ,也是最高价值自行贬值的过程 ,而尼采正是这一过程中最后登场的哲学家。但是他的虚无主义不是目的 ,不是归宿 ,而是一种手段 ,其真正目的在于塑造一种新的理性批判精神。     

Nation,nature, purity: extreme-right biodiversity in Germany

ABSTRACT

In this article, Forchtner investigates the construction of an ‘ideal’, extreme-right, ecologically sensitive subject. A concern for the natural environment is in no way new to the extreme right, and has long been part of its ideological make-up. In particular, claims that the laws of nature are applicable to the social world and that a community is embedded in an ecosystem have long been features of a right-wing ecological imaginary. Through an analysis of all the articles on a paradigmatic ecological issue, biodiversity, published in Germany’s exemplary extreme-right magazine preoccupied with ecology, Umwelt & Aktiv (Environment & Active), this cultural imaginary is reconstructed. Included in it as key themes are human responsibility for environmental degradation, the ecological value of flora and fauna, and criticism of modernity’s levelling tendencies (both biologically and culturally). Taking responsibility for the community’s Heimat (homeland) is, consequently, a crucial element for this subject: a subject who aims for purity, order and the stability of ecosystems.     

邪教型犯罪概念与特征分析

邪教型犯罪是指行为人由于信仰扭曲,并且在追求和维护这种偏激性、敌视性、破坏性迷信邪说心理状态支配实施的各种犯罪行为。邪教型犯罪具有独特的犯罪心理形成和发展机制,同时具有不同于普通犯罪的行为特征。     

RAHOWA! A History of the World Church of the Creator

This article surveys the history of the World Church of the Creator, a small and obscure organization, which has nevertheless had a significant influence on the international far right. The Creativity movement has had an impact on the far right in several ways, including spearheading an anti-Christian orientation among its younger activists, introducing vitriolic rhetoric that has contributed to violence and radicalism, fostering the development of a larger racial, as opposed to a national, identity in the global “white power” movement, and paradoxically, advocating the adoption of an organizing model which would explicitly seek to emulate certain characteristics of Judaism.     

Russian nationalists in the Komi Republic: a case study of the Frontier of the North

The article examines some generic traits of the “new” Russian ethnic nationalism, namely, de-ideologization of the nationalist milieu and its inclination for civic activism. It results from a case study of the Frontier of the North (FN – Syktyvkar), an ideologically ambivalent organization that combines dual Russian/Komi ethnic nationalism, anti-migration sentiments, white racism, and fragments of other ideologies. The article demonstrates that, unlike nationalists of the previous generation, FN is not hostile to public authorities and is ready to cooperate with them. FN’s grassroots activism, as well as sports and healthy recreational activities, attracts young people. The organization tackles the most acute social problems, often neglected by everyone else, and has become a working civil society institution. The authors argue that these tactics win the “new” nationalists sympathy among ordinary people and makes the groups politically stronger and more influential than the previous nationalist generation. However, state anti-extremist policy hampers the advancement of nationalists into mainstream politics.     

Hitting the saturation point: unpacking the politics of bureaucratic reforms in hybrid regimes

How do the survival incentives facing incumbents in hybrid regimes affect the engineering of bureaucratic reforms? This article tackles this question by departing from the literature on competitive authoritarianism and with the help of detailed empirical evidence from Georgia’s public administration reforms (2004–2012). It first argues that in order to preserve their hold on power, dominant parties have to tilt the political playing field, while still upholding popular support. I posit that this dual incentive structure leads the incumbents to promote efficiency of public service, but to also curb these policies at a point that would jeopardize their ability to use administrative resources for partisan ends. Consequently, bureaucratic reforms reach a saturation point, beyond which no more reforms can be endured.     

The transnationalization of the extreme right and the use of the Internet

Like many other political actors, the extreme right is currently expanding beyond national borders, and, as with any civil society organization, the Internet is assuming a growing role in achieving this goal. To date, however, this topic is understudied. In this article, aiming to empirically filling this gap, we shall explore the new tactics of the extreme right in Europe and the USA in the context of transnational politics. Namely, we investigate the degree and forms of extreme right transnationalization (in terms of mobilization, issues, targets, action strategies, and organizational contacts) and the potential role of the Internet in these developments. The analysis combines qualitative and quantitative data derived from 54 interviews with representatives of extreme right organizations in six European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and Spain) and the USA with a formalized Web content analysis of 336 right-wing websites. We will compare different types of right-wing groups which compose the radical right family (from political parties to associations), underlining the main differences and similarities across groups and across countries.     

当前个人极端暴力事件研究分析———以“失意群体”为视角简

在社会转型的特殊历史时期,“失意群体”已成为当前我国个人极端暴力事件的主要制造者。“失意群体”制造的个人极端暴力事件背后,是社会结构剧烈变动所造成的一系列社会失范现象,以及由此引发的个人心理、行为的失调及社会控制功能的弱化,并在此基础上产生背离性越轨行为。基于默顿的越轨社会学理论,对“失意群体”的疏导与调控亟需从根本上消融“失意群体”产生的社会基础,即对收入调节制度、社会流动机制、社会保障制度、利益表达机制、法律救济途径等进行再建构,以达到利益的均衡、社会的稳定和谐。同时,要充分发挥社会控制的综合协作功能,强化多元社会控制,并采取更有针对性的化解策略,以逐步减少此类事件发生的概率。     

Anti‐immigrant,politically disaffected or still racist after all? Examining the attitudinal drivers of extreme right support in Britain in the 2009 European elections

The elections to the European Parliament (EP) held in June 2009 marked a breakthrough for the extreme right British National Party (BNP), while in other European states extreme right parties (ERPs) similarly made gains. However, the attitudinal drivers of support for the BNP and ERPs more generally remain under‐researched. This article draws on unique data that allow unprecedented insight into the attitudinal profile of ERP voters in Britain – an often neglected case in the wider literature. A series of possible motivational drivers of extreme right support are separated out: racial prejudice, anti‐immigrant sentiment, protest against political elites, Euroscepticism, homophobia and Islamophobia. It is found that BNP support in the 2009 EP elections was motivationally diverse, with racist hostility, xenophobia and protest voting all contributing significantly to BNP voting. The analysis suggests that the BNP, which has long been a party stigmatised by associations with racism and violent extremism, made a key breakthrough in 2009. While racist motivations remain the strongest driver of support for the party, it has also begun to win over a broader coalition of anti‐immigrant and anti‐elite voters.