极端犯罪的形成机制及其预防与应对

极端犯罪的共同心理现象是行为性质极其严重；诱发因素与行为及结果相比明显缺乏逻辑联系；犯罪人经历过早期的挫折及心理创伤有严重情绪积累。极端犯罪行为人心理有共同本质即需要获得对生命、财产的控制权。其形成有内在因素，也有外在因素。极端犯罪行为的预防与应对包括社会和警察两个方面：即全社会需要对极端犯罪行为加强预防；警察对极端犯罪行为也要有特别的应对。     

Strategic Eurosceptics and polite xenophobes: Support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) in the 2009 European Parliament elections

While Euroscepticism is the most important driver of United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) support, other attitudinal drivers – namely dissatisfaction towards mainstream parties and xenophobia – are also important. Examining vote‐switching between first‐ and second‐order elections evidence is found of a distinction between two types of supporter: more affluent and middle‐class ‘strategic defectors’ from the mainstream Conservative Party who support UKIP to register their Euroscepticism, and more economically marginal and politically disaffected ‘core loyalists’ who are attracted to UKIP by its anti‐immigration rhetoric and populist anti‐establishment strategy. UKIP also succeeds in attracting core support from groups such as women who have traditionally rejected extreme right parties such as the British National Party (BNP). This suggests that UKIP is well positioned to recruit a broader and more enduring base of support than the BNP.     

The Discourse of the Extreme Right and Its Ideological Implications: The Case of the Alleanza nazionale on Immigration

Against the background of research on Italian parliamentary debates on immigration, ter Wal looks at the ideological positions of the extreme-right Alleanza nazionale (AN) concerning both immigration and integration policy. In order to unravel the ideological implications she focuses on examples of various rhetorical strategies enacted in speeches by several of the party's MPs: including stategies of self- and other-presentation, and of justification and causal explanation. This analysis shows how the AN manages to propagate an ideology of ethnic nationalism that eschews the egalitarian norms and cultural pluralism necessary for full participation by migrants. The AN's transformation and re-interpretation of the meaning of the key values of equality andsolidarietàfunction as a justification for the restriction of migrants' rights. Speakers shift the perspective from immigrants' problems to the socio-economic problems of Italians in order to recommend a policy of 'the own people first'. While the AN's discourse thus continues to build on traditional extreme-right beliefs and claims, on the other hand it also espouses New Right ideologies of cultural relativism. Moreover, unlike that of radical-right parties, the AN's discourse does not express blatant forms of ethnic prejudice in the form of stereotypical beliefs and negative representations of immigrants' personal characteristics, nor does it blame immigrants, who are rather represented, and sympathized with, as victims. The moderation of and internal contradictions in its discourse makes the AN difficult     

From slime mould to rhizome: an introduction to the groupuscular right

Conventional academic research into the legacy of inter-war fascism has generally neglected the myriad minuscule and often ephemeral formations of the extreme right that have sprung up since 1945, and has concentrated instead on abortive attempts to emulate the success of the Nazi and Fascist party-based mass movements, and more recently on non-revolutionary ‘neo-populist parties’. However, when examined closely, many of these formations can be observed to behave as fully developed, highly specialized and largely autonomous grouplets that simultaneously form the constituents of an amorphous, leaderless and centreless cellular network of political ideology, organization and activism that is termed here ‘the groupuscular right’. As such, these ‘groupuscules’ are to be seen as the product of a sophisticated process of evolutionary adaptation to post-1945 realities that allows extreme variants of revolutionary nationalism to survive in the ‘post-fascist’ age in a form that is largely resistant to attempts to suppress them, and may represent a number of permanent, if mostly inconspicuous, threats to liberal democracy.     

对目前我国社会中偏激政治态度的思考

在我国,某些社会成员的偏激政治态度曾给我们的事业造成过许多重大损失和严重的灾难.目前,在改革开放过程中,社会上仍存在着种种偏激政治态度,在某种程度上构成了对我国经济、社会正常发展的威胁.纠正的方法是加强改善党的领导,加大改革力度,铲除社会不良现象,完善意识形态的工作.     

冒险背后的社会心理浅析

随着生命感觉的萎缩，现代人越来越倾向于以一种极端的方式来寻求精神和心理的刺激。于是，各种冒险游戏或运动应运而生，那么在这些相对安全的味觉冒险、情色冒险和危险的生命冒险背后，又潜藏着怎样的深层动因呢？笔者试图用齐美尔的冒险理论来解读冒险活动背后深层的社会心理机制。     

期货收益率极端波动离散间隔的实证研究

本文基于极值理论,以沪铜、大连大豆和郑州硬麦期货为研究对象,应用最大信息熵原理、广义极值分布和K－S拟合检验,实证分析了我国商品期货收益率极端波动的时间间隔的统计分布特征。引入离散的时间间隔来刻画极端波动特征在学术上是个新的尝试。实证结果表明：极端波动的确定是与阈值紧密联系的;我国商品期货收益率的极端波动间隔时间服从广义极值分布;期货收益率极端波动时间间隔序列具有集聚性;运用条件期望值--波动模型预测极端波动间隔是可行的。这些成果为监管层度量极端波动强度和控制风险提供了有效的方法。     

由极端方式私力救济的现状看公力救济——对公力救济制度性缺陷的法律分析

公力救济的严格程序法定限制了私权保护,其所依据的法律的正当性决定了人们对私力救济的选择。法理上,法律本身的局限性,使公力救济无法提供正当的评判依据;法律实践上,实体法提供的评判标准不正当：适用法律不当,赔偿制度及赔偿标准的制定失当、缺乏客观公正的特别证明,致使人们抛弃公力救济。     

Motives and legacies behind 2008-2009 Hungarian Roma murders and apologies

This research analyzes as hate crimes the 2008–9 Hungarian Roma mass-murders by extreme nationalists. Pertinent questions are: ‘What motivated the Roma Murders?’ and ‘How do these motives intertwine with cultural-historical legacies to affect both the murders and later official apologies?’ In examining motives, the essay shows how cultural myths of an ill-fated nation and collective memory of real historic tragedies made Hungarians receptive to an extreme nationalist ideology that transforms a national vision of tragic fate into a vision of a victorious future (Volksgeist). How Hungarian cultural-historical heritage assigns vulnerability and disability to the Roma is explored, and why assigning the same vulnerability to victims when Hungarians apologize for their complicity in the Roma murders cannot restore social justice. The essay adds to previous research the identification of common dynamics in both the hate crimes and later apologies, demanding that a very specific apology addressed to the Roma–as equal citizens–should follow two apologies that position the Roma as less than equal Hungarians.     

“伊斯兰国”对中亚地区的安全威胁:迷思还是现实?

对于"伊斯兰国"是否会对中亚地区安全构成威胁以及这种威胁的程度如何,国内外学术界的看法存在诸多分歧。"伊斯兰国"通过招募中亚地区的人员和对各国的边界进行袭扰,并通过意识形态宣传扩大其价值观在中亚地区的影响力等方式,的确对该地区安全形势带来了一定的冲击。不过,"伊斯兰国"对中亚安全形势的影响是有限的。这主要是因为,"伊斯兰国"在国际反恐联盟的打击下,地面作战部队被限制在叙利亚一伊拉克境内,无法在中亚地区开展直接的攻击。此外,由于中亚伊斯兰特殊的发展经历,使"伊斯兰国"的意识形态在当地缺乏群众基础。这些因素,决定了"伊斯兰国"对中亚安全的影响主要体现在促进该地区部分极端势力思想的进一步激进化或激励部分恐怖分子发起"独狼式"恐怖活动等。随着"伊斯兰国"的战场失利,部分"圣战"分子回流中亚,需要对"伊斯兰国"与中亚安全之间的关联性予以更多关注,并尽早研究对策。