“Us” and “Them”: Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism

This article draws on data from one-to-one interviews with members and former members of the Ulster Volunteer Force, Ulster Defence Association, Red Hand Commando, Ulster Political Research Group, and the Progressive Unionist Party to explore the dynamic and fluid perceptions of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Sinn Féin among Ulster loyalists. The article will explore how attitudes and perceptions are influenced by the shifting political landscape in Northern Ireland as Ulster loyalists come to terms with the new realities created by the peace process, security normalization, decommissioning, and the rise in the threat of dissident republican violence. The article will also demonstrate that these perceptions are not purely antagonistic and based on the creation of negative, stereotypical “enemy images” fuelled by decades of conflict, but pragmatic, bound to societal and local events, and influenced by intragroup attitudes and divisions, in addition to the expected conflictual ingroup vs. outgroup relationships. Finally, the article will explore how loyalists employ republicanism and the transformation of the Provisional IRA in particular, as a mirror or benchmark to reflect on their own progress since 1994.     

中国崛起与全球安全治理转型

中国崛起与全球安全治理转型是21世纪初国际关系领域两个备受瞩目的全球性现象。文章以全球安全治理体系中的安全制度安排和安全规范设定为主要分析路径,以全球政治安全治理和全球经济安全治理为主要分析单元。一方面,自二战结束以来全球安全治理体系可分为"单边全球主义"和"全球单边主义"两个阶段,并且每一阶段的全球安全治理体系均可分解为政治制度、经济制度、政治规范和经济规范四个领域;另一方面,运用比较研究法,对各个时期全球安全治理体系在上述四个领域所体现出来的差异性进行剖析,可以发现,这种差异性集中表现为正在进行中的全球安全治理体系转型,崛起的中国在此次转型过程中开始发挥参与者、建设者和贡献者的作用。在传统全球安全治理体系陷入危机之时,中国崛起在相关领域所带来的制度效应和规范效应正在逐渐潜移默化地嵌入到全球安全治理体系中,中国的政策和实践也将相应日益形成规范化的趋势。     

European Law Beyond ‘Ever Closer Union’ Repositioning the Concept,its Thrust and the ECJ's Comparative Methodology

The article investigates competing understandings of European law. It supports, against the prevailing EU‐centred understanding, an ecumenical concept that embraces EU law, supplementing international instruments, the European Convention on Human Rights and, importantly, various domestic laws enacting or responding to such transnational law, as well as European comparative law. To keep the concept in sync with European politics, it posits a new idea that binds the parts together: to provide for a European legal space rather than further European integration (the ever closer union). This idea can also serve as European law's functional equivalent to forming one legal order. European law thus conceived grasps the puzzling complex of interdependent legal orders, sets a common frame for corresponding reconstructions (European composite constructions, legal pluralism, network theories, federalism or intergovernmentalism) and allows forces with diverging outlooks to meet in one legal field, on one more neutral disciplinary platform. Within this framework, European comparative law finds a new mission as well as a sound legal basis.     

农村土地承包经营权财产性与社会保障性的冲突之解析——以贵州农村土地承包经营权流动现状为基础

农村土地承包经营权具备财产性和社会保障性双重特质,由于自身所追求价值目标的不同和外在所强加的使命,农村土地承包经营权财产性与社会保障特质相互冲突,财产特质无法反映现代市场经济的需求,造成了效率的低下及其他经济、社会问题的产生。因此,有必要在法律层面和实践层面进行修正和努力,以促进农村绿洲社会的发展和维持社会的稳定。     

Public Beliefs in the Causes of Wealth and Poverty and Legitimization of Inequalities in Russia and Estonia

The article analyzes the attributions of the causes of poverty and wealth in Russia and Estonia in 1991 and 1996 and their determinants. Among the latter are the perceived actual justice of the society, the perceived size of the middle class, and the personal position in the system of inequalities. Despite the economic hardships and a rise in inequalities in both countries, individualistic explanations of wealth and poverty have increased over the 5 years between the surveys. At the same time respondents in both countries demonstrated a growing awareness of the importance of starting positions and connections to achieve wealth. The perceived middle class has a significant effect on attributions of poverty but not on wealth. Russians in Estonia have a particular bias against wealth, whereas non-Russians in Russia are more likely to justify wealth on the basis of individual merit. Explanations of poverty and wealth in Estonia are more rooted in the factors of socialization (age, education, and gender), whereas in Russia they are more rooted in the changes in the family financial circumstances between 1991 and 1996. There was a general increase in support for government intervention in distribution in both countries.     

霸权的逻辑：美国亚太安全战略的多边转向

二战后,美国在亚太地区构筑起双边联盟体系,但近年来对于加强多边安全合作更为积极。美国近几届政府在亚太安全战略方面作出了重大调整,从奥巴马政府到拜登政府都在推动双边合作转向多边合作,而为何发生这一转变值得探讨。美国在权力优势明显时,倾向于采取双边合作;当美国权力优势缩小时,更加重视多边合作,其安全合作形式是接近于联盟还是相对松散的安全合作,则取决于外部威胁性质和内部分歧大小。美国亚太安全合作形式的调整取决于中美实力差距、外部威胁变化和成员国分歧,多边形式可以更大范围地进行国际动员,最大程度地维护自身的霸权地位。美国在亚太地区的多边安全合作拥有稳固的合作基础、灵活的多边形式和共同的身份认同,有助于美国调动战略资源和联合应对共同关注的威胁。亚太多边安全合作增强了美国的安全动员能力,冲击了亚太地区秩序,给中国带来较大的安全压力。但不同合作机制也面临合作程度不一、成员战略分歧和合作议题分散的影响,合作进程存在着不确定性。     

农村公共产品的有效供给与政府职能转变

农村公共产品是具有非竞争性和非排他性、用于满足农村公共需要的产品。现阶段,我国农村公共产品供给的现状不容乐观,存在着供给总量不足、供给结构失调、供给机制有失公平和供给监督管理体制缺失等问题。本文在分析农村公共产品供给不足的症结———政府职能的“错位”、“缺位”和“越位”的基础上,提出了转变政府职能,确保农村公共产品的有效供给的对策和措施。     

中国周边安全环境：分析框架、指标体系与评估

冷战结束以来,中国和西方对“安全环境”的界定不同,中国侧重于以发展界定安全,西方大国则注重以威胁界定安全。中国政府和学术界对“安全环境”的理解,已经从以军事安全为主演变为军事、政治、经济、舆论四位一体,更具复杂性和动态性特征。因此,作者构建了新时期评估周边安全环境的分析框架与指标体系,包括政治安全环境、军事安全环境、发展安全环境、舆论安全环境以及中国自身对周边环境的塑造能力等构件,这些指标囊括了现实主义、自由制度主义和建构主义的学理判断。文章利用世界银行数据库、清华大学当代国际关系研究院的“中外关系数据库”以及《人民日报》数据库对各细分指标进行无量纲化处理,设定并对比了三种场景下的中国周边安全环境指数。对1992-2011年周边安全环境的分析表明,中国周边安全环境处于不断改善中。不过,2008年以后三种场景产生较大分叉,中国有可能已经进入了一个与前十几年完全不同的状况,中国需要与周边国家共同构建长期稳定的周边安全合作环境。     

中国外贸转型与国际分工地位改变

中国外贸增长方式转型问题关系到中国在国际分工中的地位改进。发展中国家在国际分工中的地位不平等,遭受着经济利益与生态利益的双重损失,而中国这样的大国处于垂直型国际分工的低端地位,在发展工业化进程中更是放大了背离可持续发展的后果。中国必须在外贸转型中改变国际分工地位。可从出口制造品附加值、服务贸易、原料产品加工、绿色产品、农业对外投资经营这五个领域进行这一转型的努力。     

科技成果转化和技术转移的比较及其政策含义

科技成果转化和技术转移是两个互相渗透互相包容的概念,该文通过对这两个概念内涵的比较,揭示了中国和西方相关科技法律和政策的差异,指出了中国在市场经济条件下坚持科技成果转化工作的必要性及努力方向。